环境新闻有一系列相关涵义，我们可以将它理解为鼓吹性倡导性新闻，或带有目的性的报道，也可以概括地将环境新闻理解为关于环境的新闻。
不同时期环境新闻定义也不相同。环境新闻的内容由传统的环境保护转向现代的和污染相关的内容，由原来只关注地球自然环境或环境危机向关注所有生命健康转变。
关于环境新闻，英语翻译服务 可以从它产生的过程和目的来定义。例如，环境传播资源中心(ecrc)——1996年成立于美国北亚利桑那州(northern arizona)大学的传播学院，将环境新闻定义为：通过各种方式和渠道对受众进行的环境传播。并进一步解释，环境传播是一个过程，这个过程涉及到传播者和受众两个方面，传播过程是通过有效的信息传递、互动交流、公开讨论和辩论来实现的。我们期望这种传播能成为建立人与自然和谐关系的基础，能够成为提高环境承载力和环境可持续发展的方式。
与此不同，学者ward是依据倡导客观性讨论来思考环境新闻的涵义的：“这两个词给我一种矛盾的修饰的感觉。环境新闻?在对新闻行业最富有责任感的记者心中‘新闻’这个名词应当胜过‘环境’这个形容词。环保主义作家，当然可以。环保主义记者?这就不是一个严谨的新闻学定义了。
环境新闻
定义：
所谓环境新闻，是指以环境问题为主要报道内容的新闻，也就是用新闻手段传播人们关心的种种新近发生的环境信息，是时时变动着的环境事实与新闻的表达和传播方式相结合的完美方式。
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西方学界定义
西方业界与学界对于环境新闻定义较为完整、也能够为众多人所接受的是曾在爱达荷、佛蒙特与西华盛顿大学执教的教授麦克•弗络姆先生的定义：“(环境新闻)是在制定决定过程中，在调查研究的基础上，一种有目的、为公众而写的，以充分准确的材料为依托、反映(最新)环境问题的作品”。这个定义表明了环境新闻的制作过程，也突出了其不同于传统新闻的特征：它更注重科学性、调查性与批评性。
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历史背景
环境新闻起源于美国，改革开放以后才逐渐传人我国，并不断影响我国的新闻实践。环境新闻是伴随西方环境运动发展与完善起来的，其理论与哲学基础建立在欧美一脉相承的传统文化与价值理念基础之上。因此，西方环境新闻的研究除了需要梳理各种径路，还能够在模式上有一些直观的认识。实际上，在西方有关哲学与生态批评的研究可以追溯到亚里士多德零星的论述，如他认为伦理学研究中生物学和心理学是很重要的组成部分的论述。当西方基督教哲学与文艺复兴以后的人文主义宣扬人至高无上的超自然权利的时候，形成了对自然的挤压、摧残，造成环境问题，这时在西方又逐渐兴起了生态与环境保护的思潮，这种思潮在20世纪的美国进一步沉淀，发展成为轰轰烈烈的绿色运动。
在美国，有关环境保护的思想最早可以追述到杰弗逊，他认为民主国家应该保护自然风景之美供全民欣赏，这里显然带了康德美学理想的色彩。然而真正意义上的生态理念在美国仍然源于环境问题。如欧美殖民者到达美洲之前，从墨西哥到加拿大的大平原上生活着1．25亿的北美野牛，被那些受上帝旨意而来的欧洲人大量捕杀，这些仍然可以从美国西部电影中见到。到1892年，最后幸存的野牛仅有85头!面对这种情况，1864年美国驻意大利大使马Perkins什(George Marsh)出版了《人与自然》and(Man Nature)一书，第一个对人类行为给环境带来的灾难进行反思。其后，环境伦理研究开始在欧美发展起来。到1967年，长期观测人给自然带来灾难的怀特(Lynn White)之《生态危机的历史根源》旧。出版。他对人类破坏环境的文化与宗教渊源进行探究，激烈地批评了基督教《圣经》以及文艺复兴以来的人文主义文化与科技，被后来的生态学家评为经典之作。
外延：
环境新闻的外延式林业新闻、生态新闻或环保新闻、环境新闻等的总汇。
英文表述：
环境新闻 environmental news
环境报道 environmental reporting
标志：
1962年，《寂静的春天》——标志环境新闻走向成熟
1992年，科罗拉多大学新闻系成立“环境新闻学中心”——标志了成为一门独立的学科。
Environmental journalism is the collection, verification, production, distribution and exhibition of information regarding current events, trends, issues and people that are associated with the non-human world with which humans necessarily interact. To be an environmental journalist, one must have an understanding of scientific language and practice, knowledge of historical environmental events, the ability to keep abreast of environmental policy decisions and the work of environmental organizations, a general understanding of current environmental concerns, and the ability to communicate all of that information to the public in such a way that it can be easily understood, despite its complexity.
Environmental journalism falls within the scope of environmental communication, and its roots can be traced to nature writing. One key controversy in environmental journalism is a continuing disagreement over how to distinguish it from its allied genres and disciplines.
History
While the practice of nature writing has a rich history that dates back at least as far as the exploration narratives of Christopher Columbus, and follows tradition up through prominent nature writers like Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau in the late 19th century, John Burroughs and John Muir in the early 20th century, and Aldo Leopold in the 1940s, the field of environmental journalism did not begin to take shape until the 1960s and 1970s.
The growth of environmental journalism as a profession roughly parallels that of the environmental movement, which became a mainstream cultural movement with the publication of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring in 1962 and was further legitimized by the passage of the Wilderness Act in 1964. Grassroots environmental organizations made a booming appearance on the political scene in the 1960s and 1970s, raising public awareness of what many considered to be the “environmental crisis,” and working to influence environmental policy decisions. The mass media has followed and generated public interest on environmental issues ever since.
The field of environmental journalism was further legitimized by the creation of the Society of Environmental Journalists in 1990, whose mission “is to advance public understanding of environmental issues by improving the quality, accuracy, and visibility of environmental reporting.” Today, academic programs are offered at a number of institutions to train budding journalists in the rigors, complexity and sheer breadth of environmental journalism.
[edit] Advocacy debate
There exists a minor rift in the community of environmental journalists. Some, including those in the Society of Environmental Journalists, believe in objectively reporting environmental news, while others, like Michael Frome, a prominent figure in the field, believe that journalists should only enter the environmental side of the field if saving the planet is a personal passion, and that environmental journalists should not shy away from environmental advocacy, though not at the expense of clearly relating facts and opinions on all sides of an issue. This debate is not likely to be settled soon, but with changes in the field of journalism filtering up from new media being used by the general public to produce news, it seems likely that the field of environmental journalism will lend itself more and more toward reporting points of view akin to environmental advocacy.
[edit] Genres
See also: Environmental Media Awards, The British Environment and Media Awards, and List of environmental books
Environmental communication is all of the forms of communication that are engaged with the social debate about environmental issues and problems.[1]
Also within the scope of environmental communication are the genres of nature writing, science writing, environmental literature, environmental interpretation and environmental advocacy. While there is a great deal of overlap among the various genres within environmental communication, they are each deserving of their own definition.
[edit] Nature writing
Nature writing is the genre with the longest history in environmental communication. In his book, This Incomparable Land: A Guide to American Nature Writing, Thomas J. Lyon attempts to use a “taxonomy of nature writing” in order to define the genre. He suggests that his classifications, too, suffer a great deal of overlap and intergrading. “The literature of nature has three main dimensions to it: natural history information, personal responses to nature, and philosophical interpretation of nature” (Lyon 20). In the natural history essay, “the main burden of the writing is to convey pointed instruction in the facts of nature,” such as with the ramble-type nature writing of John Burroughs (Lyon 21). “In essays of experience, the author’s firsthand contact with nature is the frame for the writing,” as with Edward Abbey’s contemplation of a desert sunset (Lyon 23). In the philosophical interpretation of nature, the content is similar to that of the natural history and personal experience essays, “but the mode of presentation tends to be more abstract and scholarly” (Lyon 25). The Norton Book of Nature Writing adds a few new dimensions to the genre of nature writing, including animal narratives, garden essays, farming essays, ecofeminist works, writing on environmental justice, and works advocating environmental preservation, sustainability and biological diversity. Environmental journalism pulls from the tradition and scope of nature writing.
[edit] Science writing
Science writing is writing that focuses specifically on topics of scientific study, generally translating jargon that is difficult for those outside a particular scientific field to understand into language that is easily digestible. This genre can be narrative or informative. Not all science writing falls within the bounds of environmental communication, only science writing that takes on topics relevant to the environment. Environmental journalism also pulls from the tradition and scope of science writing.
[edit] Environmental interpretation
Environmental interpretation is a particular format for the communication of relevant information. It “involves translating the technical language of a natural science or related field into terms and ideas that people who aren’t scientists can readily understand. And it involves doing it in a way that’s entertaining and interesting to these people” (Ham 3). Environmental interpretation is pleasurable (to engage an audience in the topic and inspire them to learn more about it), relevant (meaningful and personal to the audience so that they have an intrinsic reason to learn more about the topic), organized (easy to follow and structured so that main points are likely to be remembered) and thematic (the information is related to a specific, repetitious message) (Ham 8–28). While environmental journalism is not derived from environmental interpretation, it can employ interpretive techniques to explain difficult concepts to its audience.
[edit] Environmental literature
Environmental literature is writing that comments intelligently on environmental themes, particularly as applied to the relationships between man, society and the environment. Most nature writing and some science writing falls within the scope of environmental literature. Often, environmental literature is understood to espouse care and concern for the environment, thus advocating a more thoughtful and ecologically sensitive relationship of man to nature. Environmental journalism is partially derived from environmental literature
[edit] Environmental advocacy
Environmental advocacy is presenting information on nature and environmental issues that is decidedly opinionated and encourages its audience to adopt more environmentally sensitive attitudes, often more biocentric worldviews. Environmental advocacy can be present in any of the aforementioned genres of environmental communication. It is currently debated whether environmental journalism should employ techniques of environmental advocacy.
[edit] Topics
The field of environmental journalism covers a wide variety of topics. According to The Reporter’s Environmental Handbook, environmental journalists perceive water concerns as the most important environmental issue, followed by atmospheric air pollution concerns, endocrine disruptors, and waste management issues. The journalists surveyed were more likely to prioritize specific, local environmental issues than global environmental concerns.
Environmental journalism can include, but is not limited to, some of the following topics:
From The Reporter’s Environmental Handbook:
• Air Pollution (Indoor)
• Air Pollution (Outdoor)
• Animal Waste Management
• Biodiversity
• Brownfields (“former industrial and commercial sites” (104))
• Cancer and Other Disease Cluster Claims
• Chemical Emergencies
• Chemical weapons (Disarmament)
• Children’s Health (Asthma)
• Children’s Health (Lead)
• Cross-Border Environmental Issues (U.S.-Mexico)
• Dioxin
• Disposal of Dredged Materials
• Endocrine Disruptors (“also called a hormonally active agent, [it] is a chemical that interferes with the functioning of the endocrine system” (172))
• Environmental Justice and Hazardous Waste
• Food irradiation
• Genetically Modified Crops
• Global warming and climate change
• Groundwater Pollution
• Naturally Occurring and Technology-Based Disasters
• Occupational Health
• Ozone Depletion
• Pesticides
• Pollution Prevention/Source Reduction
• Population growth
• Sprawl and Environmental Health
• Surface Water Quality
• Water Supply
From EnviroLink:
• Agriculture
• Air Quality
• Climate Change
• Ecosystems
• Energy
• Environmental Disasters
• Environmental Economics
• Environmental Education
• Environmental Ethics
• Environmental Legislation and Environmental Policy
• Forests
• Ground pollution
• Habitat conservation
• Natural History
• Outdoor Recreation
• Population
• Sciences
• Social Sciences and Humanities
• Sustainable Development
• Sustainable Living
• Transportation
• Urban Issues
• Vegetarianism
• Waste Management
• Water Quality
• Wildlife
References
1. ^ Meisner, Mark. "What is Environmental Communication?". Environmental Communication Network. http://www.esf.edu/ecn/whatisec.htm. Retrieved 2007-06-06.
• EnviroLink. Accessed 11 Oct. 2005. <http://www.envirolink.org>
• Finch, Howard and John Elder. Eds. The Norton Book of Nature Writing. College Ed. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2002. ISBN 0-393-97816-8
• Frome, Michael. Green Ink. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1998. ISBN 0-87480-582-1
• Ham, Sam. Environmental Interpretation: A Practical Guide for People with Big Ideas and Small Budgets. Golden: North American Press, 1992. ISBN 1-55591-902-2
• Lyon, Thomas J. This Incomparable Land: A Guide to American Nature Writing. Minneapolis: Milkweed Editions, 2001. ISBN 1-57131-256-0
• Meisner, Mark. "What is Environmental Communication?" The Environmental Communication Network. 2005. State University of New York College of Environmental Science and Forestry. Accessed 11 Oct. 2005. <http://www.esf.edu/ecn>
• Society of Environmental Journalists. 2005. Accessed 11 Oct. 2005. <http://www.sej.org>
• West, Bernadette M., M. Jane Lewis, Michael R. Greenburg, David B. Sachsman, and Renée M. Rogers. The Reporter’s Environmental Handbook. 3rd ed. New Brunswick and London: Rutgers University Press, 2003. ISBN 0-8135-3287-6
• Anderson, Alison. Media, Culture and the Environment. Taylor and Francis, Inc., 1997. ISBN 1-85728-383-X
• Beck, Larry and Ted Cable. Interpretation for the 21st Century: Fifteen Guiding Principles for Interpreting Nature and Culture. 2nd ed. Champaign: Sagamore Publishing, 2002. ISBN 1-57167-522-1
• Buell, Lawrence. The Environmental Imagination: Thoreau, Nature Writing, and the Formation of American Culture. Cambridge and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1995. ISBN 0-674-25862-2
• Blum, Deborah, Robin Marantz Henig, and Mary Knudson. A Field Guide for Science Writers: The Official Guide of the National Association of Science Writers. 2nd ed. Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 0-19-517499-2
• Chapman, Graham, Keval Kumar, Caroline Fraser, and Ivor Gaber. Environmentalism and the Mass Media. New York and London: Routledge, 1997. ISBN 0-415-15505-3
• Dobson, Andrew. The Green Reader: Essays Toward a Sustainable Society. Mercury House, 1991. ISBN 1-56279-010-2
• Goldstein, Eric A. and Mark Izeman. The New York Environment Book. Island Press, 1990. ISBN 1-55963-018-3
• Hanson, Anders, ed. The Mass Media and Environmental Issues. London and New York: Leicester University Press, 1993. ISBN 0-7185-1444-0
• Kamrin, Michael A., Dolores J. Katz, and Martha L. Walter. Reporting on Risk: A Journalist's Handbook. 3rd ed. Michigan Sea Grant College Program, 1999. ISBN 1-885756-11-9
• Lamay, Craig L.L. and Everette E. Dennis, eds. Media and the Environment. Island Press, 1991. ISBN 1-55963-130-9
• Nash, Roderick Frazier. Wilderness and the American Mind. 4th ed. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001. ISBN 0-300-09122-2
• Neuzil, Mark and William Kovairk. Mass Media and Environmental Conflict: America’s Green Crusades. Thousand Oaks, London and New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 1996. ISBN 0-7619-0333-X
• Palen, John. “Objectivity as Independence: Creating the Society of Environmental Journalists, 1989-1997.” Proceedings of the National Convention of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communications, August 1998. Society of Environmental Journalists. 28 Sept. 2005 <http://www.sej.org/about/index2.htm>.
[edit] External links
• Xover Environment Magazine
• Society of Environmental Journalists
• Center for Environmental Journalism at the University of Colorado, Boulder
• Environmental Communication Network (ECN)
• Environment Writer
• Knight Center for Environmental Journalism at Michigan State University
• Metcalf Institute for Marine and Environmental Reporting
• Science, Health and Environmental Reporting Program at New York University
• Cascadia Times
• The Yale Forum on Climate Change & The Media
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Environmental_journalism"
Environmental Media Services (EMS) is a Washington, D.C. based nonprofit organization that is "dedicated to expanding media coverage of critical environmental and public health issues".[1] EMS was founded in 1994 by Arlie Schardt, a former journalist, former communications director for Al Gore's 2000 Presidential campaign, and former head of the Environmental Defense Fund during the 1970s.
Their primary activities include holding forums that bring scientists knowledgeable in current environmental issues together with journalists, providing web hosting and support for environmental issues sites like RealClimate,[2] and providing recommendations to journalists trying to locate experts knowledgeable on environmental topics. They also issue press releases related to environmental issues and provide an aggregation service that disseminates recent news on environmental topics.
EMS is closely allied with Fenton Communications (where they shared the same office space and personnel),[3][4] "the largest public interest communications firm in the [United States]"[5] which specializes in providing public relations for nonprofit organizations dealing with public policy issues.
As of December 31, 2005, Environmental Media Services ceased to function as an independent organization and merged with Science Communication Network.[6]
1. ^ "Environmental Media Services Website". ems.org. http://www.ems.org/. Retrieved April 16, 2006.
2. ^ "RealClimate - Discussion of hosting support". realclimate.org. http://www.realclimate.org/index.php?p=120. Retrieved April 16, 2006.
3. ^ "Profile for Environmental Media Services". http://www.activistcash.com/organization_overview.cfm/oid/110. Retrieved November 7, 2007.
4. ^ "Profile for David Fenton". yale.edu. http://environment.yale.edu/climate/project-participants/. Retrieved November 7, 2007.
5. ^ "Fenton Communications - Who We Are". fenton.com. http://www.fenton.com/pages/1_about/whoweare.htm. Retrieved April 16, 2006.
6. ^ "SCN - Science Communication Network". sciencommunicationnetwork.org. http://www.sciencecommunicationnetwork.org/. Retrieved December 15, 2009.
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Environmental_Media_Services"
This is a list of environmental periodicals.
• A and WMA Environmental Compliance News -- published by the Air and Waste Management Association
• Alternatives Journal -- based in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada
• Applied and Environmental Microbiology -- published by the American Society for Microbiology
• BioCycle magazine -- published by JG Press, Inc.
• Biophile -- a bimonthly South African magazine
• Camas: The Nature of the West -- run by graduate students at the University of Montana
• Carbon Balance and Management -- published by BioMed Central
• Checkerspot -- published by the Canadian Wildlife Federation
• Chemosphere -- published by Elsevier, based in Amsterdam
• Chinadialogue -- based in London and Beijing
• E/The Environmental Magazine -- published by Earth Action Network, Inc.
• Ecology -- published by the Ecological Society of America
• ECOS -- quarterly journal of the British Association of Nature Conservationists
• ECOS (CSIRO magazine) -- an Australian environmental magazine
• Energy and Environment -- edited by a professor at the University of Hull in England
• Environmental Research Letters (ERL) -- based at the University of California, Berkeley, USA
• Environmental Science & Technology -- published by the American Chemical Society
• Environmental Values (EV) -- edited in Lancashire, England
• European Nuclear Disarmament Journal -- discontinued; bi-monthly magazine of the European Nuclear Disarmament group in the United Kingdom
• Fordham Environmental Law Review (ELR) -- published by Fordham University in the United States
• G: The Green Lifestyle Magazine -- published in Sydney, Australia
• Global Environmental Politics -- published by the MIT Press
• Grist Magazine (online magazine) -- headquartered in Seattle, Washington
• Hawaii Island Journal -- published on the Big Island of Hawaii
• Home Power Magazine -- based in Ashland, Oregon
• Journal of Ecology -- published bi-monthly on behalf of the British Ecological Society and focused on plant ecology
• Landscope -- the quarterly journal of Western Australia's Department of Environment and Conservation
• Manchester Climate Fortnightly -- published (online and on recycled paper) in Manchester, England
• Mother Earth News -- based in Topeka, Kansas
• Natural Life (magazine) -- based in Canada and owned by Life Media
• New York State Conservationist -- published by New York's Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC)
• Organic Matters -- published by the Irish Organic Farmers and Growers Association
• Orion (magazine) -- published by the Orion Society and based in Great Barrington, Massachusetts
• Review of Environmental Economics and Policy -- the official "accessible" journal of the Association of Environmental and Resource Economists (AERE)
• The Ecologist -- a monthly British magazine
• The ENDS Report -- based in the UK and published by Environmental Data Services Ltd
• The Green Guide -- produced by the National Geographic Society
• Whole Terrain: Journal of Reflective Environmental Practice -- published approximately once a year by Antioch University New England (ANE)
• Wild Earth -- discontinued; published in the United States
• Worldchanging -- launched in San Francisco; moved to Seattle, Washington
• Xover -- edited in Bangalore, India
The Grantham Prize for Excellence in Reporting on the Environment is an annual award established in September 2005 by Jeremy and Hannelore Grantham and the Metcalf Institute for Marine and Environmental Reporting to annually recognize and honor the work of one journalist or team of journalists for exemplary reporting on the environment.
"The public deserves ready access to the kind of information and news that only outstanding independent journalism can provide," the Granthams said in announcing the prize, which is administered by /the Metcalf Institute for Marine and Environmental Reporting, housed at the University of Rhode Island's world-renowned Graduate School of Oceanography. They say they want their annual award of $75,000 to "give that kind of reporting the honor, respect, and visibility it needs."
The purpose of the Prize is to encourage outstanding coverage of the environment, to recognize reporting that has the potential to bring about constructive change, and to broadly disseminate the Prize-winning story to increase public awareness and understanding of issues focusing on the environment.
The prize is awarded annually to non-fiction work done in North America during the previous calendar year in newspapers, magazines, and books and on television, cable, radio, and online.
Among the criteria jurors consider are the significance of the subject matter, quality and originality of the journalism, and the effort involved in telling the story. The Grantham Prize entries are judged by an independent panel of jurors. The 2008 jury will be chaired by Philip Meyer, Professor, Knight Chair in Journalism at the University of North Carolina School of Journalism and Mass Communication. Journalists named to the juror panel are: David Boardman, Seattle Times; Peter Desbarats, University of Western Ontario, and veteran journalist and author; and Robert B. Semple, Jr., The New York Times.
The Grantham Prize is funded by Jeremy and Hannelore Grantham through The Grantham Foundation for the Protection of the Environment. The foundation supports natural resource conservation programs both in the United States and internationally.
The Metcalf Institute for Marine and Environmental Reporting was established in 1997 with funding from three journalism foundations and the Belo Corporation, The Providence Journal Charitable Foundation, and the Philip L. Graham Fund, and also from the Telaka Foundation. The Institute was established as a memorial to the late Michael Metcalf, a visionary leader in newspaper journalism and, from 1979 to 1987, the Publisher of The Providence Journal Bulletin. The Metcalf Institute provides science and environmental science training for reporters and editors to help improve the accuracy and clarity of reporting on marine and environmental issues.
The Environmental Media Awards have been awarded by the Environmental Media Association since 1991 to the best television episode or film with an environmental message.[1]
The Environmental Media Association (EMA) is a non-profit organization created in 1989 which believes "that through television, film and music, the entertainment community has the power to influence the environmental awareness of millions of people."[2]
Heroes of the Environment is a list compiled by TIME magazine since 2007:
The European Environmental Press (EEP) is a Europe-wide association of sixteen environmental magazines.[1] Each member is considered the leader in its country and is committed to building links between 400,000 environmental professionals across Europe in both the public and private sectors. The EEP is unique in bringing together the leading national business-to-business magazines as an expert network for the dissemination of high-quality environmental information throughout Europe.
http://www.environmental-expert.com/stse_resulteach.aspx?cid=6725&idproducttype=1&level=0
环境种族主义
Environmental racism
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Environmental racism refers to the enactment or enforcement of any policy, practice, or regulation that negatively affects the environment of low-income and/or racially-homogeneous communities at a disparate rate than affluent communities [1]. Environmental racism is either intentional or unintentional racial discrimination and can explain specific incidents in which minority communities are targeted for the siting of polluting industries and factors[2]. The terms also describes the effects of structural and institutionalized racism that segregate minority communities into regions where they are exposed to health hazards because of the cheaper land in polluted, industrial areas[3]. Environmental racism also accounts for the exclusion of minority groups from decision-making or regulatory bodies in their communities.
The first report to draw a relationship between race and income and the higher risk of exposure to pollutants was the Council of Environmental Quality’s “Annual Report to the President” in 1971[1]. Later, the United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice explored the idea of environmental racism in the 1987 report, "Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States: A National Report on the Racial and Socioeconomic Characteristics of Communities with Hazardous Waste Sites"[4]. Following that report, groups were formed and legislation was enacted to address environmental racism. This reaction is referred to as environmental justice. Oftentimes the term environmental justice is inaccurately interchanged with environmental racism when in fact it is the name for attempts to reverse this type of racism by achieving equal protection for environmental hazards regardless of race or class[1].
Background
[edit] In the United States
Since the term "environmental racism" was coined, researchers have investigated why minorities are more likely than whites to reside in areas where there is worse environmental conditions.[5] Some social scientists suggest that the historical processes of suburbanization and decentralization are examples of white privilege that have contributed to contemporary patterns of environmental racism.[6] In the United States, the wealth of a community is not nearly as good a predictor of hazardous waste locations as the ethnic background of the residents, suggesting that the selection of sites for hazardous waste disposal involves racism.[7] These minority communities may be easier targets for environmental racism because they are less likely to organize and protest than their middle or upper class white counterparts. This lack of protest could be due to fear of losing their jobs, thereby jeopardizing their economic survival.[8]
Since whites are more likely to be homeowners, they have more power and influence in their communities and are able to be strong advocates against unwanted land uses such as hazardous waste sites, sewage treatment facilities, incinerators, and freeway construction[9]. The higher incidence of home ownership is related to the incidence of employment and housing discrimination in the United States[9]. While social scientists see the intentional siting of unwanted land uses in minority communities as one demonstration of environmental racism, other social scientists look into the structural and institutionalized bases for the disproportionate exposure of minorities to polluted environments. These social scientists suggest that the historical processes of suburbanization, gentrification, and decentralization are examples of white privilege that have contributed to contemporary patterns of environmental racism[3]. White privilege is a term that refers to the perception of the current social system as one that works for the benefit of whites. With suburbanization, a federally encouraged phenomenon, whites were able to flee industrial zones and follow the jobs as they shifted from manufacturing centers to safe, clean, inexpensive suburban locales[3]. Minority communities were largely left in the inner cities residentially segregated along racial lines and in close proximity to polluted industrial zones where unemployment is high and businesses are less likely to invest creating poor economic conditions for inhabitants and reinforcing a social formation that reproduces racial inequality. Some social scientists ask whether locally unwanted land use (LULUs) are intentionally placed in minority communities or do communities with LULUs gradually become populated by minorities, as whites are able to relocate from these areas. Most respond that it is a combination of both and that both are related to the idea of environmental racism. Siting of polluting factors with discriminatory intent is blatant racism whereas the shifts in population that account for the over representation of minorities in the inner cities are less detectable forms of institutionalized racism.
[edit] Studies and Reports
The recognition of discrimination based on race and how it prevented economically disadvantaged minority communities to improve the quality of their environment came in 1971 in the “Annual Report to the President” from the Council of Environmental Quality[10]. This was a landmark finding, but environmental justice did not become a national issue until the case of Bean vs. Southwestern Waste Management in 1982. Warren County, North Carolina, a predominantly African American county, was selected as a disposal site for large amounts of toxic soil [11]. Protests and resistance to this decision brought national attention to the idea of environmental racism and prompted a congressional investigation into claims that minority communities were targeted for sites of pollution[12]. The investigation, conducted by the US General Accounting Office, found that of the waste sites in the southeastern US, three-fourths were located in predominantly African American communities[10].
In 1987 the United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice (CRJ) furthered the discussion of environmental racism with their 1987 report, "Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States: A National Report on the Racial and Socioeconomic Characteristics of Communities with Hazardous Waste Sites"[13]. The report drew a correlation between the predominance of minorities and the presence of these waste facilities. Although some question the unbiased nature and methodology of this report, the commission found that when analyzing the factors of race, household income, home value, and "the estimated amount of hazardous waste generated by industry," the most significant factor in determining the location of commercial hazardous waste facilities in the US was race[14].
After publishing its first report entitled "Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States"[15] in 1987, the United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice (CRJ) conducted a follow-up study that was published in 2007. The 1987 report focused on the environmental hazards that minority communities face as a result of the placement of landfills, toxic waste sites, etc. near their communities. This report found that when analyzing the factors of race, household income, home value, and "the estimated amount of hazardous waste generated by industry," the most significant factor in determining the location of commercial hazardous waste facilities in the US was race. The report released in 2007, entitled "Toxic Wastes and Race at Twenty," concludes that many of these same poor minority communities are still facing the same problems that they did 20 years ago. In 2007, these communities even faced new problems "because of government cutbacks in enforcement, weakening health protection, and dismantling the environmental justice regulatory apparatus."
Some of the 2007 Report Findings:
• National Disparities - Host neighborhoods of commercial hazardous waste facilities are made up of 56% people of color (including African Americans, Hispanics/Latinos, and Asians/Pacific Islanders). However, non-host neighborhoods are only made up of 30% people of color.
• Neighborhoods with Clustered Facilities - Neighborhoods with hazardous waste facilities clustered close together have populations with 69% people of color, while neighborhoods without clustered facilities have populations with 51% people of color.
• State Disparities - This problem of environmental racism is not only found in a few states. Rather, out of the 44 states that have hazardous waste facilities, 40 of these states have disproportionately high percentages of people of color living within 3 kilometers of the facilities. The top-ten ranking states with disparities between the percentages of people of color living in host neighborhoods and those living in non-host neighborhoods are Michigan, Nevada, Kentucky, Illinois, Alabama, Tennessee, Washington, Kansas, Arkansas, and California.
[edit] Governmental Policies
The EPA - The United States government established the Environmental Protection Agency in 1970 in response to rising concerns about environmental pollution. The mission of the EPA is to protect human health and the natural environment[33]. According to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), "Environmental Justice is the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people...with respect to the development, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws, regulations, and policies. EPA has this goal for all communities and persons across this Nation. It will be achieved when everyone enjoys the same degree of protection from environmental and health hazards and equal access to the decision-making process to have a healthy environment in which to live, learn, and work."[34].
Office of Environmental Justice - In 1992, under the presidency of George H.W. Bush, the Office of Environmental Equity, an office within the broader EPA was established to work towards environmental justice. The EPA defines environmental justice as “the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, national origin, or income with respect to the development, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws”[35]. In 1992, this office produced a report “Environmental Equity: Reducing Risks for all Communities,” one of the first comprehensive government reports on environmental justice[36]. This office was renamed the Office of Environmental Justice by President Clinton.
The Executive Order - On 11 February 1994 President Bill Clinton signed Executive Order 12898[37], which directed federal agencies to develop strategies to help them identify and address disproportionately high and adverse human health or environmental effects of their programs, policies, and activities on minority and low-income populations. Clinton also intended the Order to provide minority and low-income communities with access to public information and opportunities for public participation in matters relating to human health or the environment[38].
[edit] In the South
This article or section appears to contradict itself. Please help fix this problem. (January 2010)
New Orleans is a great example for potential and past environmental racism. New Orleans often hit by hurricanes [16] has set evacuation plans to evacuate during a hurricane. Transportation considered a necessity in evacuation, however 24% of African American families do not have cars versus a mere 7% of white families,[17]. In the south where 54% of the United States African American's live it seems an unfair standard to create an evacuation plan that requires a car. This is environmental because the evacuation plan assumes everyone has a car, but not everyone does and majority of those people are African American, Latino American, or Asian American [18]. In 1997, there was a strong effort to relieve this policy of its unfairness towards minorities. The Federal Emergency Management Agency created Project Impact, which provided funding for communities to satisfy their need for better evacuation plans [19]. This policy was ended by the Bush administration in 2001, and this problem reemerged.
In 2005, when these evacuation plans were needed in New Orleans during Katrina the car-less and special needs suffered the most. One-third of African American New Orleans residents did not have cars to evacuate. New Orleans didn't have enough buses or bus drivers to supply the population that needed them [20]. This exposed major weaknesses in evacuation and especially shined a spotlight on environmental racism in the south.
[edit] Interview on Environmental Racism
A broadcast interview on NPR called “A Closer at a Toxic Dumping Case” Cheryl Corley asks Sheila Holt-Orsted of Dixon, Tennessee about her class action lawsuit against a local landfill, and local water treatment agencies [21]. Sheila Holt-Orsted and her family have suffered long term health affects due to the toxic waste from the local landfill that leached into the community’s water well. Sheila’s house in Dixon is about 57 ft from the landfill, and has suffered greatly from the water contamination. Her father died of cancer as a result of chemicals such as Trichloroethylene among others that have been dumped in their backyard for over 20 years [21]. She believes she has also been diagnosed with breast cancer due to these circumstances. Trichloroethylene is the most dangerous of the chemicals that leached into the community well [21]. However, when water treatment agencies found out about the presence of these chemicals the Holt-Orstead family was not notified. They received letters 1991 and 1998 that drinking the well water would result in no “adverse health affects [21].” It took until 2000 for the family to be notified about the well contamination. By then it was too late and the Holt-Orstead family had already suffered enough. They filed a class action suit along with eleven other people, but as they looked deeper into the evidence of polluting they found that there was environmental injustice as well in this situation [21]. This case was found to be environmental racism after the evidence was found that the Holt family, an African American family, was only notified of the contamination years after their white neighbors were informed. When the water treatment agencies discovered the toxic leeching in the community well, the Holt’s Caucasian neighbors were immediately notified; some within 48 hours after the discovery [21]. After all the white families were informed of the water quality, the Holt family was still told that their water was perfectly fine. Even though the property owners are responsible for testing their own water, the Holt family found this unnecessary due to the fact that the agencies were already testing their water. Nearly a decade later, the Holt family was finally informed of the water contamination that they had been drinking, showering in, and cooking with for 20 years. Sheila then decided to look into the possibility of the contamination was correlated with her breast cancer. This is an example of environmental racism because not only is the landfill extremely close to where they live, but because of their race the Holt-Orstead family didn’t get notification that their water was contaminated. Although everyone in the community was exposed to the toxic chemicals, Sheila and her family still feel like they deserve compensation for the years of discrimination that they experienced [21]. Their one hundred fifty-acre farm is now worthless due to the pollution, and nothing can bring back her father or her and her family’s health. Sheila wants the agencies to take responsibility, the landfill to be shut down, and for them to clean her property.
[edit] Effects on Native American Nations
Native American tribes in the United States resemble minority populations in that they are largely segregated and impoverished. In 1995, 51 percent of the indigenous people of the North American continent lived below the poverty line[22]. The major difference between Native American tribes and other minority communities is that these tribes have sovereignty and exist as nations independent from the United States. This means they have the right to self-determination, the ability to make decisions for themselves, and the power to select their own form of government to govern their nations. This power includes control over their natural resources. Tribal sovereignty creates a governmental, political, and logistical dilemma when trying to negotiate environmental issues and protections. In 1984, The Environmental Protections Agency created a “Policy for the Administration of Environmental Programs on Indian Reservations.” This policy stated that the EPA was committed to work with tribal governments on a one-to-one basis about environmental issues[23]. The International Tribunal of Indigenous People and Oppressed Nations, which convened in 1992, was established to examine the history of US criminal activity against indigenous groups[24]. The Tribunal published a Significant Bill of Particulars outlining grievances indigenous peoples had with the US. The tenth item in the Significant Bill of Particulars stated that the US has “deliberately and systematically permitted, aided, and abetted, solicited and conspired to commit the dumping, transportation, and location of nuclear, toxic, medical, and otherwise hazardous waste materials on Native American territories in North America and has thus created a clear and present danger to the health, safety, and physical and mental well-being of Native American People”[25]. There is a significant amount of interest on the behalf of multinational corporations in the resources of Indian lands. Many corporations have been using these lands as toxic waste disposal sites or they have been extracting resources from these lands for years and want to increase and expand their leases. Some argue that Indigenous tribes have been backed into agreements by a form of economic blackmail. Since reservation Indians are often living in poverty, companies will approach indigenous governments and offer lucrative contracts that give companies a right to establish landfills, incinerators, and treatment facilities[23].
[edit] International
Environmental racism also exists at an international scale. First world corporations often produce dangerous chemicals banned in the United States and export them to developing countries, or send waste materials to countries with relaxed environmental laws.
In one instance, the French aircraft carrier Clemenceau was prohibited from entering Alang, an Indian ship-breaking yard due to a lack of clear documentation about its toxic contents. French President Jacques Chirac ultimately ordered the carrier, which contained tons of hazardous materials including asbestos and PCBs, to return to France.[26]
E-waste disposal sites, such as one in Giuyu, China, are also subject of controversy. In Giuyu, laborers with no protective clothing regularly burn plastics and circuit boards from old computers. They pour acid on electronic parts to extract silver and gold, and crush cathode ray tubes from computer monitors to remove other valuable metals, such as lead. Nearly 80 percent of children in the E-waste hub of Giuyu, China, suffer from lead poisoning, according to recent reports.[27]
Another example of foreign environmental racism is in 1984 both the Union Carbide chemical plant in Bhopal, India, and the PEMEX liquid propane gas plant in Mexico City where minorities reside blew up, killing thousands and injuring roughly a million nearby residents [28]. The images of the victims in India and Mexico spread knowledge of environmental racism around the globe.
[edit] Hazards
According to the United States EPA, the six most prominent examples of environmental hazards include:[29]
• Lead - There is a particularly high concentration of lead problems in low-income and culturally diverse populations, who live in the inner city where the public housing units were built before 1970.
• Waste Sites - Low income, and quite often culturally diverse populations, are more likely than other groups to live near landfills, incinerators, and hazardous waste treatment facilities.
• Air Pollution - 57 percent of all European Americans, 65 percent of African Americans, and 80 percent of Hispanic Americans live in communities that have failed to meet at least one of EPA's ambient air quality standards.
• Pesticides - Approximately 90 percent of the 2 million hired farm workers in the United States are people of color, including Chicano, Puerto Ricans, Caribbean blacks and African Americans. Through direct exposure to pesticides, farm workers and their families may face serious health risks. It has been estimated that as many as 313,000 farm workers in the U.S. may suffer from pesticide-related illnesses each year.
• Wastewater (City Sewers) - Many inner cities still have sewer systems that are not designed to handle storm overflow. As a result, raw sewage may be carried into local rivers and streams during storms, creating a health hazard.
• Wastewater - (Agricultural Runoff) - It is suspected that the increased use of commercial fertilizers and concentrations of animal wastes contribute to the degradation of receiving streams and rivers in rural areas, with communities that are often low income and culturally diverse.
[edit] Gentrification
Although it is not always connected to race and can sometimes be generalized by class, gentrification or urban renewal can be connected to environmental racism and residential segregation. Gentrification has historically been defined as higher income newcomers displacing lower income residents from up-and-coming urban neighborhoods. The concept has been understood as reflecting the residential turnover of an area that was predominantly composed of residents of color, to one populated by higher income whites. Yet definitions of gentrification fail to mention this racial component. Critical race theory is used to examine race as an implicit assumption that merits investigation as demographic changes in the U.S. challenge these class-based definitions.[30]
[edit] References
1. ^ a b c United States of America. Environmental Justice Group. National Conference of State Legislatures. Environmental Justice: A Matter of Perspective. 1995
2. ^ Bullard, Robert D. Unequal Protection: Environmental Justice and Communities of Color Sierra Club Books, 1994
3. ^ a b c Pulido, Laura Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 90, No. 1, pp. 12-40, March 2000
4. ^ Chavis, Jr., Benjamin F. and Lee, Charles Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice, 1987
5. ^ Environmental Racism Study Finds Levels Of Inequality Defy Simple Explanation
6. ^ Pulido, Laura Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 90, No. 1, pp. 12-40, March 2000
7. ^ http://archive.gao.gov/d48t13/121648.pdf Siting of Hazardous Waste Landfills and Their Correlation with Racial and Economic Status of Surrounding Communities U.S. Government Accountability Office, Washington, D.C., 1983
8. ^ Bullard, Robert D., Ph.D.; Mohai, Paul, Ph.D.; Saha, Robin, Ph.D.; Wright, Beverly, Ph.D. (March 2007) (PDF), Toxic Wastes and Race at Twenty: 1987-2007, United Church of Christ, http://www.ejrc.cau.edu/TWART-light.pdf, retrieved 2008-03-28
9. ^ a b Bryant, Bunyan. "Introduction." Environmental justice issues, policies, and solutions. Washington, D.C: Island, 1995. 1-7.
10. ^ a b United States of America. Environmental Justice Group. National Conference of State Legislatures. Environmental Justice: A Matter of Perspective. 1995.
11. ^ United States of America. Congressional Research Service. United States Congress. National Council for Science and the Environment. By Linda-Jo Schierow. 14 Aug. 1992. Web. 8 Nov. 2009. <http://ncseonline.org/NLE/CRSreports/general/gen-3.cfm>
12. ^ United States of America. Congressional Research Service. United States Congress. National Council for Science and the Environment. By Linda-Jo Schierow. 14 Aug. 1992. Web. 8 Nov. 2009. <http://ncseonline.org/NLE/CRSreports/general/gen-3.cfm>
13. ^ Chavis, Jr., Benjamin F. and Lee, Charles Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice, 1987
14. ^ Chavis, Jr., Benjamin F. and Lee, Charles Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice, 1987
15. ^ Bullard, Robert D., Ph.D.; Mohai, Paul, Ph.D.; Saha, Robin, Ph.D.; Wright, Beverly, Ph.D. (March 2007) (PDF), Toxic Wastes and Race at Twenty: 1987-2007, United Church of Christ, http://www.ejrc.cau.edu/TWART-light.pdf, retrieved 2008-03-18
16. ^ 2. Bullard, Robert D. "Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters." Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters. Ebscohost. Web. 9 Dec. 2009. <http://rpproxy.iii.com:9797/MuseSessionID=42ed9edbce6d762ff3ceed9cd0a971/MuseHost=web.ebscohost.com/MusePath/ehost/detail?vid=1&hid=101&sid=0f896b7d-4daf-4f8e-8d8c-575e3763a392%40sessionmgr114&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=aph&AN=36117411>.
17. ^ 2. Bullard, Robert D. "Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters." Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters. Ebscohost. Web. 9 Dec. 2009. <http://rpproxy.iii.com:9797/MuseSessionID=42ed9edbce6d762ff3ceed9cd0a971/MuseHost=web.ebscohost.com/MusePath/ehost/detail?vid=1&hid=101&sid=0f896b7d-4daf-4f8e-8d8c-575e3763a392%40sessionmgr114&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=aph&AN=36117411>.
18. ^ 2. Bullard, Robert D. "Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters." Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters. Ebscohost. Web. 9 Dec. 2009. <http://rpproxy.iii.com:9797/MuseSessionID=42ed9edbce6d762ff3ceed9cd0a971/MuseHost=web.ebscohost.com/MusePath/ehost/detail?vid=1&hid=101&sid=0f896b7d-4daf-4f8e-8d8c-575e3763a392%40sessionmgr114&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=aph&AN=36117411>.
19. ^ 2. Bullard, Robert D. "Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters." Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters. Ebscohost. Web. 9 Dec. 2009. <http://rpproxy.iii.com:9797/MuseSessionID=42ed9edbce6d762ff3ceed9cd0a971/MuseHost=web.ebscohost.com/MusePath/ehost/detail?vid=1&hid=101&sid=0f896b7d-4daf-4f8e-8d8c-575e3763a392%40sessionmgr114&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=aph&AN=36117411>.
20. ^ 2. Bullard, Robert D. "Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters." Differential Vulnerabilities: Environmental and Economic Inequality and Government Response to Unnatural Disasters. Ebscohost. Web. 9 Dec. 2009. <http://rpproxy.iii.com:9797/MuseSessionID=42ed9edbce6d762ff3ceed9cd0a971/MuseHost=web.ebscohost.com/MusePath/ehost/detail?vid=1&hid=101&sid=0f896b7d-4daf-4f8e-8d8c-575e3763a392%40sessionmgr114&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=aph&AN=36117411>.
21. ^ a b c d e f g Sheila, Holt. Interview with Cheryl Covley. Talk of the Nation. NPR. 26, March 2007.
22. ^ Goldtooth, Tom. "Indigenous Nations: Summary of Sovereignty and Its Implications for Environmental Protection." Environmental justice issues, policies, and solutions. Ed. Robert Bullard. Washington, D.C: Island, 1995.
23. ^ a b Goldtooth, Tom. "Indigenous Nations: Summary of Sovereignty and Its Implications for Environmental Protection." Environmental justice issues, policies, and solutions. Ed. Robert Bullard. Washington, D.C: Island, 1995. 115-23
24. ^ Boyle, Francis A. "Francis A. Boyle, Indictment of the Federal Government of the U.S. for the commission of international crimes." Hartford Web Publishing. International Tribunal of Indigenous People and Oppressed Nations. Web. 8 Nov. 2009. <http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/41/386.html>
25. ^ Boyle, Francis A. "Francis A. Boyle, Indictment of the Federal Government of the U.S. for the commission of international crimes." Hartford Web Publishing. International Tribunal of Indigenous People and Oppressed Nations. Web. 8 Nov. 2009. <http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/41/386.html>
26. ^ Stay out, India tells toxic ship
27. ^ Technology's Morning After - US News and World Report
28. ^ 1.Shroeder, Richard, Kevin St. Martin, Bradley Wilson, and Debarati Sen. "Third World Environmental Justice." Third World Environmental Justice 21 (2008): 547-55. Ebscohost. Web. 9 Dec. 2009. <http://rpproxy.iii.com:9797/MuseSessionID=2e53b4986ac11ac323b339a21f76340/MuseHost=web.ebscohost.com/MusePath/ehost/pdf?vid=2&hid=101&sid=e5c8e007-9847-45d6-af16-c60a2f7dd58d%40sessionmgr114>.
29. ^ United States EPA: Environmental Justice - Frequently Asked Questions
30. ^ Martinez-Cosio,Maria. "Coloring housing changes: Reintroducing race into gentrification" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, TBA, New York, New York City, Aug 11, 2007.
瑞.夏维斯(Rev•Chavis)在1987年首次使用“环境种族主义”（Environmental Racism）这个术语， “在美国有毒废物和种族”一文的发表，花费了他几年的时间，成为里程碑式的研究。 <P> 但是现在有了良好的开端。开展了一系列重要的活动，包括在1990年地球日之前不久，由瑞.杰西.杰克逊（Rev. Jesse Jackson）领导低收入被污染所困扰的几个少数民族社区进行了一周的长途旅行，他强调：“在环境和权力之间的关系。”他声称它是“一个新日子和一个新方式。将再也不允许公司利用工作去敲诈毒害穷人，这些人可能是黑人、棕色人、黄种人、红种人或者白人。我们正在要求所有放毒公司签定条约，停止污染我们社区”。 <P> 伴随着瑞.杰克逊（Rev•Jackson ）的是邓尼斯.海斯（Dennis Hayes），他既是1970年地球日诞生的一个主要组织者，也是去年事件的主要组织者。还有约翰.奥克那（John Oconnor），他是一位全国有毒物品运动执行负责人，他强调“拯救地球的环境运动要想成功，就必须包括所有的种族、种族群体、富人和穷人、黑人和白人、青年人和老年人。当我们清洁整个国家的运动真正表达出所有人的意愿时，正是在这点上我们将成功地阻止美国的中毒。” <P> 1990年在华盛顿召开的讨论环境污染问题的全国少数民族健康会议上，Panos提交的一份报告中描述；“争取社会公正运动与环境主义者的联姻”是怎样发生的。“在有色人种中环境公正的组织从一个小团体在70年代的活动，发展到整个美国居民点的成千上万人的运动。”达娜.艾斯顿（Dana A•Alston）说，她是Panos环境、社区发展和种族事业的负责人，这是一个为“可持续发展”工作的国际团体。她在报告中提到，“我们为自己发言：社会公正、种族和环境。”“有色人种社区比主流环境运动采取更为全面的方法，把环境的利害关系与更广泛的议程相结合，这个广泛的议程强调社会、种族和经济公正”。 <P> 1990年在亚特兰大召开少数民族区域环境问题的会议，是由联邦有毒物质和疾病注册机构等主办，300个社区的领导人、医生和政府官员参加了会议。奥布瑞.曼勒（Aubrey F•Manley）博士，是健康和人类服务部助理部长的代表，他陈述：“穷人和少数民族组织指责8个主要的全国环境团体在雇用人员时有种族歧视，并要求他们大幅度地增加雇员中的有色人种数量。环境团体承认这个问题—“真实的情况是环境团体在包容少数人种方面做了一件糟糕的工作”。福瑞德瑞克.克儒伯（Ｆrederick D•Krupp）说，他是环境保卫基金会执行负责人，并建立了少民族区域环境联合会。 <P> 去年，种族公正委员会组织了一个关于种族歧视和环境的研讨会，是为国会黑人政策讨论会准备的，其成员对许多人来说是不知道的。保守投票人联盟认为这些成员在国会上进行环境问题投票时具有最佳的赞成票记录，而这些保守投票人在环境问题的表决记录方面往往在国会代表中占优势。 <P> 一个关键的事件是今年10月在华盛顿召开的首届全国少数民族环境领导人最高级会议。“我们要把社区团体，环境团体、公民权利组织和学院的、科学的、政府的和公司的组织领导人召集在一起参加这3天的全体会议”查尔斯李（Charles Lee）说，他是种族公正委员会研究主管，正是这个委员会组织了这次聚会。“最高级会议的目的是发展一个广泛的和明确的全国行动议程，以此帮助更改美国环境政策的制定，充分地包括美国少数民族的事务。” <P> 长期以来有色人群是环境污染的最大受害者。李提到30年代西弗吉尼亚州Gauley Bridge的建设,“几百名美国黑人工人从Deep南部被带到New Kunawha电力公司，这是联合碳化物公司的子公司，黑人们要挖掘Hawks Nest隧道。两年的时间里，大约5百名工人死去，1500人由于类似于黑肺病的硅肺而丧失劳动力。由于呼吸空气中大量的微小硅粒子，男人们站立着倒下，空气浓得相距一码远就看不见对方。到外面呼吸新鲜空气的人被人用斧柄打回隧道中。在随后的国会听证会上,New Kunawha承包人透露：“我知道我将会杀死这些黑鬼，但我不知道会这么快。” <P> 李说：“一个殡仪员被雇用埋葬死去的工人，墓地没有任何标志。”他同意“极低的计时工资去做这项服务，因为公司保证将会有大量的死人。” <P> 但并不是最近几年，才开始在系统背景中考察这类环境种族主义的恐怖故事。 <P> 1982年，位于北卡罗来那州黑人占绝大多数的沃伦（Warren）县，寻求种族公正委员会的帮助，他们抗议PCB 垃圾倾倒场，PCB含有致癌物质。接着在一场公民不服从运动中，500多人被捕，包括委员会的瑞.夏维斯（Rev•Chavis），南部基督教领导联合会约瑟.卢拉乌瑞（Joseph Lowery）博士,华盛顿的国会议员瓦尔特 冯恩巧（Walter Fauntroy）。 <P> 正是在那场斗争中，瑞.夏维斯（Rev•Chavis）开始考虑在沃伦县的垃圾场与联邦政府Sarannah河核设施之间的联系，核设施位于南卡罗来那州众多黑人居住区，是长期放射性泄漏的来源，以及沃伦县垃圾场与位于阿拉巴马州埃默尔（Emelle）黑人主要社区内的“全国最大填埋场”的联系。“我们开始看到一个系统模式的证据，引导我们进行全国范围的研究。” 瑞.夏维斯（Rev•Chavis）说明道。 <P> 研究报告“美国的有毒废弃物与种族”，清楚显示了瑞.夏维斯（Rev•Chavis）的猜疑：有色人种社区是美国最多的有毒物品的堆放场地。更详细地分析查明成千个美国商业有害废水设施（由美国环境保护机构定义，专门用于处理、储存或处置有害废水的地方）的截面图和无法控制的有毒垃圾场地（由EPA定义，关闭和遗弃的场地），它们的位置与社区的种族性相关。 <P> “研究中的主要发现包括以下几项： <P> ●在商业有害垃圾设施位置的诸多变化因素中，种族已被证明是最重要因素。这在全国范围内有一致性。” <P> ●“拥有最大数量商业有害垃圾设施的社区是有色人种占最大成份的社区。” <P> ●“尽管社会经济地位在商业有害垃圾设施的位置中显示出很重要的作用，但种族仍然被证明更有决定性意义。” <P> ●“每5个黑人和西班牙裔美国人中，就有3人住在无控有毒垃圾的地方”。 <P> ●“在大城市区域，绝大多数无控有毒垃圾的场地，黑人占人口的比例最高”。—孟菲斯，圣路易斯，休斯敦，克利夫兰，芝加哥和亚特兰大。 <P> ●“约占亚太岛民和美国印第安人一半的居民住在无控有毒垃圾场地的社区内。” <P> 这个分析呼吁改变。“这份报告明确的结论是黑人、西班牙裔美国人和其它种族社区是各级政府部门优先放置有害垃圾的场所，但这个问题并不是当前国家关心的重点。因此认识到这个日益扩大的全国问题的公民和决策者，必须把对此的关注放在首位。” <P> 它呼吁：美国总统“颁布一个行政命令。“委任联邦机构考虑现行政策和规定对种族社区的影响”，国家政府“评价和做出适当的修正，在新的有害垃圾设施选址时，恰当地考虑潜在的许多社区种族和社会经济特征”。美国市长联合会，黑人市长全国联合会和全国城市联盟“召集一个全国会议并从一个地方性的视角处理这些问题”。公民权利和政治组织准备选民登记运动，作为一种更进一步授权给种族群体的方式，有效地响应种族社区有害垃圾问题在政府和国家的最高立法议程。 <P> 环境保护主义者巴里 卡玛内（Barry Commoner）评论这份报告显示了“在环境方面，贫穷、种族主义和无权力者与化学工业对环境的侵犯之间的依存性关系。” <P> 早在1978年社会学家罗伯.特布勒德（Robert Bullard ）第一次开始探讨环境种族主义。他的妻子琳达. 玛克沃.布勒德（Linda Mckeever Bullard）邀请他指导一项关于在休斯敦的地区性填埋场和焚烧炉的选址问题的研究，以便采一场堪称阶级行动的官司，对在休斯敦附近的Northwood Manor设立新的填埋场的计划提出挑战，该地居住着所谓的“稳固的中产阶级”，主要是美国黑人。布勒德（Bullard）是刚研究生院毕业的得克萨斯南部大学的一位新教授，发现从20年代至那个时候，休斯敦的所有5个填埋场和8个中的6个焚化炉位于黑人居住区附近。这导致了布勒德（Bullard）博士的更广泛研究。关于黑人社区由于他们的经济和政治的易受伤害，已经成为日常有毒设施，本地的无用土地使用和环境危害的对象。 <P> 他写了几篇文章，去年他的书“美国南部倾倒：种族、阶级和环境质量”出版。布勒德（Bullard）博士说，黑人社区一直是倾倒垃圾的地方，这是“由于他们的种族、他们的普通和单纯”，布勒德（Bullard）博士说，现在他已是设在河边市（ Riverside）的加利福尼亚大学的一位教授。 <P> 在这些社区，经常把“工作，工作和工作视为救世主”，尽管事实上“没有劳动力密集的工业。”涉及的公司同时也认为能够“使它们的投资达到最低限度。”可以避免在白人社区建立一个有毒垃圾场、焚化炉造纸厂、屠宰厂、铅熔化厂、杀虫剂生产厂以及诸如此类的工厂时很有可能要面临的诉讼。而且，计划和分区规划部门往往“排斥有色人种”，于是就无法扭转上述局面。如果把这个问题说到底，那就是，因为住房类型和有限的流动性，中等收入和低收入的黑人不像白人似的，当一个污染设施来到，他们往往不能‘走为上策’。瞄准某些社区存放有毒物是另一种形成的歧视。” 布勒德博士指责道。 <P> 在“南方的倾倒”一书中，他叙述了在休斯敦和达拉斯；路易斯安那州的Alsen；西弗吉尼亚州的 Institute；亚拉巴马州的Emelle的黑人怎样同“公司巨人较量，这些巨人想把他们的区域变成有毒垃圾场。”他对数百个由有色人种组成的环境公正团体的存在充满热情。 <P> 其中一个组织是海湾沿岸承组人联合会。“我们不仅有垃圾场，还有主要的原料，这是许多石化工厂集中的地方，他们生产了许多原料。”达瑞 迈乐克 卫勒Darryl Malek- Wiley 说，他是以新奥尔良为基地的团体研究负责人。“癌巷是这个地区的绰号，”即从巴吞鲁日（Baton Rouge） 到新奥尔良，沿着密西西比河75英里长的狭长地带。这个团体提供环境教育方面的课程，支持人民去和他们社区里的环境危害做斗争，并阻止新建垃圾倾倒场。在南部黑人社区有毒设施的放置可以追溯到“几百年前”的一种屈从模式，迈勒克Malek 用“工业时代”给了一个新的说明。他说，应该看到此事与在第三世界的有害垃圾的倾倒之间的联系。 <P> 向北看，美国最大城市纽约的中间，皮格 史佩德（Peggy Shepard）作为西部哈莱姆区环境行动(简称WHE ACT)的领导人，已经对环境种族主义提出挑战。她说令人讨厌的“开发”设施最近几年安放在我们区域，包括一个大型污水处理厂，一个用于垃圾的“船舶转运站”，和另一个公共汽车储存站，“围绕社区的一系列问题，我们组织起来，发现原来这些问题都是环境方面的问题。”WHE ACT 通过网络与纽约城市周围的组织联系，发现在西部哈莱姆区发生的事，对其他的黑人和西班牙裔地段也是发生过的典型事例。我们太习惯于这种陈规：环境保护主义意味着野生生物和空地的保护。在城市的环境问题上还没有足够的行动，这些问题诸如：焚化炉、污水处理厂、污染空气的工厂、危害性极大的职业性暴露。 <P> 在亚特兰大（Atlanta）环境、商业和能量中心，东南部的负责人撒里门 玛赫迪（Sulalman Mahdi）说：“我们的工作是围绕整个环境问题在黑人社区开展教育。我特别对公民权力运动和环境正义运动的沟通感兴趣。” <P> 当他正投入一场为黑人土地不公正的使用而要求赔偿的运动时，他卷入了“绿色”行动。居住在佐治亚州南部靠近不伦瑞克的“一个造纸厂镇，整天闻到硫磺味”从造纸厂的土地上散发出来。他被糟透了的空气呛住，他推论“我们需要为环境保护而战，或者寻求一旦被返还却没有任何实用价值的土地。” <P> 他持着美国黑人关于自然权利的观点回到非洲，并正在写一本关于非洲生态学的著作。非洲人对自然的亲近“非常相似于美国的土著人”，玛赫迪说。他提到“农业的奠基者，植物学的奠基者”，两者都是古埃及人。他看到“在我们的自由斗争”和为美国黑人遭受的环境伤害的斗争之间有一种密切的关系，这种环境伤害他称为“环境种族灭绝。” <P> 种族灭绝也是蓝斯.修（Lance Hughes） 用的一个词，他是为争取清洁环境而斗争的土著美国人，“当政府和一些地方由于公众的反对，关闭了大量的垃圾场，公司就把目标转向了全国的印第安人保留区。”修说。印第安人保留区被公司认为是理想的垃圾堆放场所，因为这些地方作为主权实体不受地方或国家的环境规章的约束。 <P> 他担任领导人的团体成立于6年前，当时在大量土著美国人居住的俄克拉荷马州（Oklahoma）东北部，由Kerr-Mcgee控制的核设施的一对装置引起放射性污染。其中一个装置为武器生产核燃料，另一个为核电厂工作。何况它们产出的一些核废料当作肥料放置，范围遍及整个俄州，以及也是由Kerr —McGee控制的核设施周围1万英亩土地上。 <P> “那个土地上生长的干草和畜牛在公开市场上出售。”修说。住在这个区域的土著美国人有许多人得了少见的癌症，并且有一个高出生缺陷率，起因于“基因突变。这相当令人悲衰。”修说“有的婴儿出生时没有眼睛，有的得脑癌。” <P> 野生生物也是出生畸形。“我们发现一只9条腿的青蛙和一条2个头的鱼。还有一只四条腿的小鸡。”修强调“对印第安人的征服仍然在进行。游戏的名称改变了，但我仍然把它称为种族灭绝，因为结果就是这样。” <P> 西南组织项目（SWOP）是一个多种族，多论题的组织，成立于10年前，在新墨西哥州奇卡诺人占优势的 阿尔布开克（Albuquerque）区域。“我们有一个地方上的填埋场，阿尔布开克市最大的养猪场，一个狗饲料厂，Texaco, Chevron，通用电器，一个污水处理厂。”理查.莫尔（Richard Moore）说，他是SWOP的合作负责人。他认为这种情况在西南部的西班牙裔人和黑人社区是很典型的。 <P> “无论在哪里你发现工人阶层、种族社区，你就发现了环境不公正。” 莫尔说，他的团体已在遍及全州的与环境种族主义的斗争中成长壮大。“我们已经并正在挨门挨户地组织起来，正在建立强大的组织，正在壮大到足以抗衡相当多的主要组织。”非党派选民登记是一个重要方法。我们团体是建立环境和经济公正西南网络的创建组织，莫尔共同主席把西南部7个州的人民在多种族和多议题的基础上联合起来。 <P> 莫尔是一封给8个主要环境组织信件的签名者之一，信上抗议他们缺乏少数民族代表（如：奥杜邦（Audubon）协会在315名工作人员中，只有3名是黑人）。 <P> 重要的是有3个著名的全国环境团体没有列入其中，他们是：绿色和平，全国有毒物品运动，地球岛协会。令人惊异的是，与其它模式相反，地球岛协会主席是一位黑人。 <P> 地球岛协会的总部设在圣弗朗西斯科（旧金山）， 卡.安瑟尼（Carl Anthony）不仅是主席，也是该组织城市生境项目的负责人。“我们对于谱线两端的问题很感兴趣：全球温室效应、臭氧层、地球资源枯竭，另一端是负面环境对穷人和有色人种社区的冲击。为了把两种关心放在一起”安瑟尼说：“我们必须发展一种新的推动力并在有色人种社区中发展新的领导层，在处理事物中，为一个更加可持续的城市模式，表达我们社区的和更大城市社区的需要。”城市生境“对于想要研究这些问题的全国的许多人来说，是个基本的交流中心。它帮助我们社区的人民对涉及他们的问题保持警觉：有毒物质、能量问题、空气质量、水质。” <P> 建筑师安瑟尼说他“一向知道环境问题”，他是建筑设计师和伯克利（Berkeley）的加尼福尼亚大学建筑学教授，正在教一门新的课程：种族、贫穷和环境。他十分愉快地讲到参与地球岛协会的工作，但他怀疑其它的一些全国环境团体能否做到充分的多种族参加。他们长期持有一种“精英统治观点。我怀疑，如奥杜邦（Audubon）将不会在这方面有多大推动。” <P> 芝加哥的海泽.约翰逊（Hazel Johnson）与绿色和平关系密切，这是一个全国性的采取直接行动的环境组织。“我和绿色和平有着良好的工作关系。它远不仅仅是一个行动团体。我随绿色和平去过许多地方，他们声明要帮助我们。”她提到最近一次她的人民社区康复组织的示威，反对在她的社区建另一个焚化炉，其中就有绿色和平的参与，“我们把自己用链条拴在卡车上。” <P> “毫无疑问”种族公正委员会的李说“少数民族社区是环境污染风险最大的社区。”他用词语描绘了污染的一连串事件。西班牙裔农场工人严重地暴露于杀虫剂，包括那些在加利福尼亚州的Delano的受害者，“在农场工人中，估计每年有30万的与杀虫剂相关的癌症患者。” <P> 在土著美国人中存在放射性污染的后果，特别是纳瓦霍（Navajos）人，是国家开采铀矿的主要劳动力，结果他们癌症率极高。“在城市地区的儿童中存在铅中毒现象，估计有55%的受害者是美国黑人”，李说。Puerto Rico 有一混乱局面，“这是世界上污染最严重的区域之一。”美国的石化和制药公司长期大规模释放有毒物质。在这个叫做La Cuidad Cristian的孤立镇上几乎所有的人由于汞的毒害被迫迁移。可怕的故事仍在继续。李说“真正处理这类问题我们还有漫长的道路要走。” <P> “要理解不公正的原因，重要的是把它们放在历史的背景中考察”他说：“有两条历史线索帮助我们解释在有色人种社区的有毒污染不成比例的影响，第一条是长期压迫和剥削在美国的黑人、西班牙裔人、亚州裔人、太平洋岛民和印第安人，采取的方式是种族灭绝、作为个人动产的奴隶、契约劳役、雇工时的种族歧视，涉及住房和实际生活的所有方面。我们今天遭受的正是这悲惨历史的残余，以及新式和制度化的种族主义。历史的另一线索是自从第二次世界大战以来的石化工业巨大的扩张。” <P> “环境种族主义是在环境政策制定方面的种族歧视。”Rev•Chavis说：“何处没有白人，何处就成了他们要倾倒垃圾的地方。这种情况遍及全世界。许多有毒化学物倒往太平洋岛屿和非洲，最近揭露出来肯尼亚允许我们去倾倒核废料。”（非洲统一组织谴责美国和欧洲国家向非洲倾倒有害垃圾，这是一种“毒物恐怖主义”，是“反对非洲和非洲人民的一种罪恶”）。 <P> “我认为，我们的自由运动，现在包括环境问题。” 瑞.夏维斯说：“我们现在明白了种族主义的阴险本质。和它做斗争，不要仅停留在书本上的公民权利。种族主义深入到美国社会所有方面，我们看到反对环境种族主义的斗争，是做为这个国家公民权利和自由运动的一个继续。有些事情要成为我们议程的一部分，不是一个次要的问题，而是一个主要问题。我们在攻击环境种族主义时要象在反对保健、住房和学校方面的种族主义一样保持警觉。” <P> 原文：Environmental Racism <P> 作者：:Karl Grossman <P> 选自：《People, Penguins, and Plastic Trees》-Basic Issues in Environmental Ethics <P> Pierce/Van Deveer 2 nd Edition Wadsworth Publishing
Afghanistanism
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Afghanistan, on the other side of the world from North America
Afghanistanism is the practice of concentrating on problems in distant parts of the world while ignoring controversial local issues.[1][2] In other contexts, the term has referred to "hopelessly arcane and irrelevent scholarship,"[3] "fascination with exotic, faraway lands,"[4] or ""Railing and shaking your fist at an unseen foe who is quite unaware of your existence, much less your fury."[5]
The term came to have several meanings.[6] On one hand it was used in North American journalism for newspaper articles about faraway places that were irrelevant to local readers. Other writers said it referred to the tendency of some editors to avoid hard local news by writing opinion pieces about events happening in distant lands.[7] As New York Times writer James Reston put it about journalists, "Like officials in Washington, we suffer from Afghanistanism. If it's far away, it's news, but if it's close to home, it's sociology."[8]
Educator Robert M. Hutchins used the expression in a speech at the California Institute of Technology (Caltech) in 1955:
Afghanistanism, as you know, is the practice of referring always to some remote country, place, person or problem when there is something that ought to be taken care of near at home that is very acute. So you say to a professor at Caltech, "What about smog?" and he says, "Have you heard about the crisis in Afghanistan?"[9]
After the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City on September 11, 2001, the term resurfaced, with some writers noting that the term no longer applied.[10] [11]
Stuart H. Loory, chair in Free-Press Studies at the Missouri School of Journalist, wrote on December 1, 2001:
A primary mission of the news business is to work as a distant early warning signal of impending problems for the public and those who can deal with those problems. It must work in a convincing way, and that means news organizations must train and educate journalists to work in various parts of the world knowledgably. They cannot fit the image now in vogue — that of parachutists jumping into an area to cover disaster on short notice. That perpetuates “Afghanistanism,” a concept that has long since outlived its usefulness, if it ever had any at all.[12]
In 1973, the term was used in relation to reporting on environmentalism, which was said by two journalism researchers to deal with environmental problems of distant communities rather than local ones.[13][14]
[edit] References and notes
1. ^ "afghanistanism." Webster's Third New International Dictionary, Unabridged. Merriam-Webster, 2002. http://unabridged.merriam-webster.com (7 Dec. 2009)
2. ^ The term is similarly defined in the Double-Tongued Dictionary website
3. ^ John G. Cross and Edie N. Goldenberg, Off-Track Profs: Nontenured Teachers in Higher Education, MIT Press, 2009, page 99 ISBN 978-0262012911
4. ^ Estate of Rhea Talley Stewart, Fire in Afghanistan 1914–1929: The First Opening to the West Undone by Tribal Ferocity Years Before the Taliban iUniverse, 2000 page viii ISBN 978-0595093199
5. ^ John Livingston, The John A. Livingston Reader: The Fallacy of Wildlife Conservation and One Cosmic Instant: A Natural History of Human Arrogance, page 3. McClelland & Stewart, 2007 ISBN 978-0771053269
6. ^ Barbara L. Fredricksen, " 'Afghanistanism' not an academic joke anymore," St. Petersburg Times, December 5, 2009
7. ^ Bob Greene, "A few words about a word now useless," Jewish World Review, December 6, 2001
8. ^ James Reston, quoted in And I Quote (Revised Edition): The Definitive Collection of Quotes, Sayings, and Jokes for the Contemporary Speechmaker, Thomas Dunne Books ISBN 978-0312307448
9. ^ "The Sources of National Strength," Engineering and Science, May 1955, page 20
10. ^ Robert Finn, "Ghost Wars," bookreporter.com, undated. A review of the book of that name by Steve Coll
11. ^ Michael Kinsley, Please Don't Remain Calm:Provocations and Commentaries, W.W. Norton, 2008, page 119 ISBN 0393066541
12. ^ Stuart H. Loory, "Afghanistanism Comes Home," Global Journalist, December 1, 2001
13. ^ Hungerford, Steven E., and Lemert, James B., "Covering the Environment: A New 'Afghanistanism'?" Journalism Quarterly, February 1973
14. ^ This observation was echoed in 2004 by B.A. Talib in B.A. Taleb, The Bewildered Herd: Media Coverage of International Conflicts & Public Opinion, iUniverse, 2004, page 386 ISBN 978-0595326860.
[edit] Further reading
• Tom Kamara, "Woes of the African Journalist," The Perspective, March 12, 2001 "For example, few in Europe knew if a country called Guinea existed. But this has changed since a European, The Netherlands' Ruud Lubbers, is now head of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UHNCR) faced with mounting refugee problems in that country. Guinea is now known, particularly in Holland. His presence there is news, and if the plight of tens of thousands of refugees is mentioned in passing, good luck! (This is journalism, what used to be called 'Afghanistanism' — distant issues not to bother home readers with."
• Kombo Mason Braide, "Pseudo-Afghanistanism & The Nigeria Intellectual," Niger Delta Congress website "Afghanistanism crept into contemporary Nigerian journalese around 1984, during the military dictatorship of Major General Mohammadu Buhari, who grossly breached the fundamental human right of freedom of expression of Nigerians with impunity. Essentially, Mohammadu Buhari made it a crime for his subjects to think. In a frenzy of conceited righteousness, he dished out a farrago of stiff sanctions against anyone who dared to express opinions (true or not) that could embarrass public officers (like him!)."
• "Where in the World Is News Bias," News Bias Explored: The Art of Reading the News, student project at the University of Michigan
• George Pyle, "Afghanistanism, the Next Generation," Buffalo News, October 14, 2009. "The old cliche among editorial writers was that if you didn't have the nerve to write something critical of the governor, the mayor or the school board -- or if they hadn't given you cause to write something critical of them -- you could always write about Afghanistan."
• Naomi Ishizaki, "Editor's Note: Afghanistanism," ColorsNW. "Since the 1970s, the term 'Afghanistanism' was used in U.S. newsrooms to describe regions of the world that were so remote and foreign, there was no reason to report about them because Americans had no interest in their people and events."
• "Fine Kettle of Fish, Film at 11," The Word Detective, November 27, 2001. " 'Afghanistanism' was a term coined in the mid-20th century to criticize the tendency of news media to concentrate on happenings in remote corners of the world to the exclusion of covering problems closer to home."
• Jeff Simon, "A Great Day for Couric and CBS News" (commentary), Buffalo News, October 9, 2009. "Afghanistanism . . . was, according to a journalistic elder a few decades ago, the perfect word to describe lengthy journalism about some absurdly far-flung place . . . that couldn’t possibly matter to a reader or TV watcher as much as a new carpet store in your favorite plaza or a local church deacon busted for cleaning out the rectory safe."
• Charles R. Eisendrath, "From the Head Fellow: Rushing Forward, Looking Back," The Journal of the Michigan Fellows, Winter 2001. "Remember 'Afghanistanism?' Until September 11 it meant 'safe to discuss because too remote to care about.' "
• Jonathan Randal, Osama: The Making of a Terrorist, Vintage, 2005, page 71 ISBN 978-0375708237. "When I started out in journalism, 'Afghanistanism' was shorthand for recondite, faraway, and complex foreign problem of secondary interest defying easy explanation, much less solution."
• "Against Afghanistanism: a note on the morphology of Indian English," The Yearbook of South Asian Languages and Linguistics, pages 269-273, cited in J.L. May and Keith Brown, Concise Encyclopedia of Pragmatics, Second Edition, Elsevier Science, 2009, page 669 ISBN 978-0080962979
• Judy Bolch, "The Hometown Newspaper Builds Community," in What Good Is Journalism?: How Reporters and Editors Are Saving America's Way of Life, University of Missouri Press, 2007, page 69 ISBN 978-0826217318. ". . . back when that term meant not Osama Ben Laden but rather stories that seemingly had little to do with the price of rugs in Alabama."
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afghanistanism"
• 中美环境新闻杂志的编辑思想差异之比较研究
• 作者：王积龙 文章来源：《中国出版》杂志社 点击数： 116 更新时间：2009-1-21
•
随着生态危机的日益凸现，媒体在环境信息方面的传播显得越来越重要。所谓环境新闻杂志是指以传递环境最新信息为主的周期性刊物。美国环境新闻杂志代表有1990年创办的《环境记者协会季刊》(SEJ)、2002年创办的《环境新闻》(EJ)等；中国环境新闻杂志代表有1995年创刊的《环境教育》、1973年创刊的《环境保护》等。这两组环境新闻杂志在中美各自的国家拥有一定影响力。本文通过二者编辑思想差异性研究来挖掘这种现象的背后原因。
相信科技与怀疑科技的思想差异
《环境教育》与《环境保护》杂志都是中国环境科学出版社主办的刊物，面向全国发行，是中国有影响的环境新闻杂志。从内容来看中国环境新闻的编辑思想中，其最突出的特征就在于相信科技的力量，科技在环境保护与环境治理中起着重要作用。以《环境保护》2008年前三期为例：
《采用高科技，促进企业环保》2008年第3期；
《洁白纸张的背后》2008年第2期；
《节能减排需要创新体制》2008年第1期。
这三篇共同的特点在于强调科技对于环保的重要性，特别是一些工业企业的减排。如第一、二篇文章指出，造纸废水治理在于新科技开发，在于高科技含量下的高纸业排放标准；第三篇认为通过市场力量，排污权有偿使用可以开发新的减排科技。可见，科技在环保中处于主导地位。
相比之下，在美国的环境新闻类杂志中，对科技的怀疑在编辑思想中较为突出。SEJ与EJ上的文章都有这种特征；前者是美国环境记者协会办的季刊，后者属于美国密歇根州立大学办的半年刊，面对全美出版发行，很有影响力。仅以EJ为例，自2002年创刊以来，几乎每一期都围绕着一个主题来进行报道，很多主题把环境污染的矛头直指科技，见以下三个例子：
《电力带来的污染及对生物的危害》2007年春季刊；
《三里岛核事故的影响》2004年春季刊；
《电子计算机带来的环境污染》2002年冬季刊。
第一组文章不仅暴露电力对能源的消耗、对空气的污染，而且还揭示电力的灯光照明导致昆虫与鸟类远离人类，甚至最终死亡；第二组文章报道了1979年美国三里岛核电站事故对环境和人心理造成的影响，并担心越来越多的核电站对人类未来环境的威胁；第三组文章报道了电脑科技的兴起给孩子的生活与学习带来的危害，电脑垃圾给环境污染带来的巨大压力，也给人类和生物带来各种疾病。所有这些主题都是把批判的矛头直接对准科技。
对于科技的态度，中美环境新闻杂志在编辑思想上表现出强烈的差异，这一点是非常鲜明的。这里其实具有历史和现实的深层复杂原因，需要我们弄清楚。
自美国18世纪建国以来，带着欧洲的人文思想与工业文明，在这块新大陆上迅速建立起世界最富强的工业国家。可以说美国建国以来的二百多年历史实际上是工业化的历史，美国现在的工业文明与美国人的生活方式，是给地球造成目前环境压力的重要原因之一。在工业富足的基础上，在生活方式奢侈的情况下，面对着全球日益增大的环境危机，美国学者开始意识到工业对于环境的破坏力，而工业的核心部分倚仗的又是科技。
2004年EJ春季刊封面纪念三里岛核事故25周年
对于科技的怀疑始于1960年代的卡逊。在她的《寂静的春天》一书里，根据详实的材料和严谨的数据，卡逊饱含同情地披露被人类工业技术所屠杀的自然界各类生物，指出DDT（为20世纪上半叶曾在全世界范围内被大量推广和使用的防止农业病虫害的杀虫剂和灭害剂）的使用给生物、大地和水带来的毁灭性灾难。后来她的结论被反复证明是正确的，这给美国思想界带来了一场巨大的变革。从那时起，美国的环境保护主义者对通过工业带来利润的科技一直怀有敌意，这也是美国环境新闻类杂志怀疑科技的思想渊源[1]。
然而，情况对于像中国这样的发展中国家又完全不同了。中国全面发展工业与科学技术也仅是改革开放以后的事，只是30年的时间。从中国的经济水平来看，13亿人口中，尚有相当数目的人生活水平处于贫困线以下。从历史和全球的角度来说，中国这样的发展中国家对环境污染责任有限；从现实角度来看，中国13亿人的生存压力又有发展科技与工业的必要。在美国等发达西方国家，占据世界20％的人口却消费了世界80％的资源；即使世界40％的人口像美国那样消费，就还需要耗费掉另外半个地球的资源，也就是消费了160％的地球资源。在美国，环境保护意味着媒体记者能够报道对生态造成威胁的工业、商业与技术，对政府失职行为的检讨，对片面追求经济效益的反思，对工业社会与后工业社会文化的批判与改造。然而，在中国、巴西、印度与菲律宾等国家，环境记者认为环境保护是与生存、发展分不开的[2]。
因此，美国环境新闻杂志对于环境保护的编辑思想不能够照搬到发展中国家，同时，美国环境新闻杂志编辑思想中对于工业社会及科技的反思，很值得发展中国家研究与借鉴。
注重全面规划与反“阿富汗斯坦主义”的差异
中国的环境新闻杂志在传播环境信息时很注重从整体上规划，把全国作为一个整体来统一推行政策。以《环境保护》月刊为例，其A、B刊主要的内容板块都是面对全国的。如“国策要论”、“政策法规”、“法制经纬”等栏目，其平台与视点是全国范围，而非中国某一地点或者某一特定环境问题。仅以《环境保护》月刊2008年前三期“污染控制”栏目文章内容为例：
《回顾十五，把握十一五》2008年第3期；
《为污染减排保驾护航——2007环境检查行动大事记》2008年第2期；
《以不断完善的方案和政策推动污染控制进入2008》2008年第1期。
以第一篇文章为例，文中主要解读《国家酸雨和二氧化硫污染防治“十一五”规划》的国家政策，指出治理目标靠各级政府的目标任务分解，靠具体政策的执行指标来完成；其原则是“整体控制、总量消减、突出重点、分区要求”。因此，中国环境新闻杂志对于环境保护报道的编辑方针是国家性的全面规划。
在此一点上，美国的环境新闻杂志之编辑思想与中国有很大的不同。它们的指导思想是环境报道的地方化，特别强调环境新闻记者应该报道与他们周围生活有关的环境问题。而把离记者或者读者生活较远的环境问题之报道现象叫做“阿富汗斯坦主义”(Afghanistanism)。学者指出这个主义的最基本特征是：“在报道国外环境问题时具有深谋远虑，但在处理国内相似的环境问题上目光短浅”；“在报道全球环境问题上编辑思想大胆，在报道国内环境问题上没有声音” [3]。事实上，反对这种思想的结果是，这类杂志报道的重头内容是当地环境问题，然后是全美国，而国际的环境问题报道放在最后面，且内容很少。
以EJ为例，它是密歇根州立大学纳尔特(The Knight Centre)环境新闻中心创办的刊物，地处密歇根州的兰辛(Lansing)市。密歇根州实际上是美加交界处五大湖区中间的一个半岛，当地最大的环境问题是维护五大湖区的生态平衡。为此，从2002年创刊时起，EJ的主要版面就放在专栏“五大湖区报道”(LAKES)上，每期都有，内容从沿岸的野生动物保护到水中的外来鱼种入侵，再到湖水所受到的工业污染及其治理，几乎无所不包。最多时一期的“五大湖区报道”围绕一个主题有五六篇文章，少的也有一两篇。另外，其他栏目，如“环境新闻报道”(EJnews)、“特别报道”(Special Section)多数调查性新闻均集中于密歇根州的五大湖区，充分体现出美国环境新闻杂志的反“阿富汗斯坦主义”的编辑思想。
2005EJ年春季刊“大湖区报道”专栏
在这方面，事实上中美两国环境新闻杂志编辑思想的差异具有较为复杂的社会背景。首先，中国环境新闻杂志的全国规划思想，其实是部门办刊与政府宣传员角色的结果。对于中国这样的发展中国家来说，随着短时间内工业的崛起，环境问题急剧突显出来。由于国家工业基础相对薄弱，人民生活水平有待提高，仍然需要边发展工业边防治环境问题。这时，国家与政府在治理环境问题与宣传环保意识当中起着积极的作用。另外，由于工业发展给处于传统农业转型中的社会带来很多实际利益，多数的国民对环保意识并不十分强烈。因此政府的部门办刊就需要传递这些规划思想，因为处于相对早期阶段，这些规划依然是全国性与方向性的。
美国工业社会经历了二百多年的发展史，上个世纪下半叶又经过了绿色运动的洗礼，在经济上、思想上国民已经有了很高的环保意识。从杂志的创办情况来看，美国的杂志多是民间办报，民间性质往往代表当地人的思想，与当地人民的利益息息相关，因此反“阿富汗斯坦主义”的编辑思想甚为普遍。客观地评价，立足当地问题的编辑思想在环境保护问题上更具有可操作性，更具体，效果可能会更好，属于环境问题治理的实质性阶段。然而，这种编辑思想又是历史的、社会的，需要一个过程。
其次，就美国环境新闻杂志的反“阿富汗斯坦主义”的编辑思想来说，又反映出在环境问题上的一些大国心态，它又是傲慢与冷漠的。“在报道国外环境问题时具有深谋远虑，但是在处理国内相似的环境问题上目光短浅”，其实就是希望美国的环境记者不要报道美国以外的环境问题，环境新闻报道一定要为美国的环境危机着想，为美国的环境保护服务。从历史角度来看，美国一直在大量地消耗着来自世界其他发展中国家的资源，在全球性的环境危机中，美国负有不可推卸的责任。然而美国在新闻报道上独善其身的做法其实是对第三世界国家环境危机的冷漠与傲慢。另外，这种思想有可能造成新的国际不合理的工业分工，把对环境有污染的制造业从美国迁至像中国这样的发展中国家来，把中国作为他们的“世界工厂”，从而形成了“环境殖民主义”[4]。
2003年EJ春季刊“大湖区报道”专栏
另一方面，反“阿富汗斯坦主义”又与西方环境新闻的指导思想相矛盾。当今世界的环境危机需要世界各国联手才能够应对。如全球变暖，海平面上升，物种灭绝等，没有任何一个国家可以单独在这样的危机中获得胜利，因此需要推进全世界范围内的环境保护意识[5]。美国环境新闻自1960年代就开始出现相对成熟的文本，在指导思想上可以为发展中国家的新闻报道提供援助。然而目前的独善其身做法显然没有担负起作为大国的责任。
政策导向教育与行业素质教育的差异
媒体很重要的一项功能就是教育受众，环境新闻杂志也不例外。中国的环境新闻杂志的教育模式是政策导向性的，与政府阶段性的工作相协调。以《环境保护》杂志A、B刊为例，无论从文章结构还是报道内容，都体现出政策导向性教育的编辑思想。
《环境保护》常见的结构首先是“国策要论”栏目，主要是对读者解说最近与今后一段时期国家的环保政策。如2007年6月B刊《减少污染排放建设环境友好型社会》一文中指出，今后一段时期环境保护的一项中心工作是减少污染物排放。“省长论坛”栏目是对省级官员的深入采访，特别是那些环境保护做得比较好的省市。如2007年3月A刊刊载《以科学发展观统领生态省建设》一文，是海南省领导介绍这些年生态省建设的有益经验。“高端访谈”栏目、“机关传真”栏目、“圆桌论坛”栏目等，都是从政策与执行层面引导读者认知，教育公众对当前环境保护的认识。政策导向性教育的特征在于，被教育的受众没有职业、行业、性别与知识背景等差异。
美国环境新闻杂志很重视教育，且这些杂志基本上都定位于某一个行业，而不是各类背景的社会大众。注重于素质教育，而不是政策导向。SEJ是美国环境记者协会创办的全国性环境新闻杂志，面对的是美国的环境新闻记者，它的职责是为这些环境记者提供一个业务交流与理论教育的平台。其中的“环境记者协会新闻”(SEJ News)栏目、“独家报道”(Features)栏目、“环境记者协会主席的报道”栏目等，其教育与交流的对象都是环境记者协会的成员，或者环境记者，一般的公众对这些行业性的术语或内容会很少感兴趣。EJ是密歇根州立大学纳尔特环境新闻中心的刊物，其主要职能是教育环境新闻专业的学生，为他们提供一个理论教育与业务实习的平台。EJ的每一期都有“校园/密歇根大学新闻与事件”(Campus/MSU news & events)栏目、“独家报道”(Featured Stories)栏目等，编辑思想都是面对在校的环境新闻专业的学生。其专业性内容与操作性技巧也很难吸引一般的公众。行业素质教育的编辑思想是美国环境新闻杂志的重要特征。
就环境新闻杂志编辑思想来说，政策导向教育与行业素质教育差异产生的原因有两个方面。一是因为中国这样的发展中大国把环境保护上升为国家基本国策，依靠政府的力量集中对公众进行教育，并通过行政力量积极贯彻落实这些政策。按照德国社会学家贝克(Ulrich Beck)的观点，现代的工业社会是一个风险社会，在这个社会里，财富生产的“逻辑”主宰着风险生产的“逻辑”[6]。因此，政府在发展工业的同时通过政策教育与引导公众，积极进行风险规避，防止财富生产主宰风险生产，实现经济与环境的和谐发展。而不是走美国这样先污染后治理的老路，故而媒体的政策导向性教育甚为重要。
二是因为中美两国的环境保护处于不同的阶段。环境的行业素质教育表明一些行业都开始把环境保护融入到职业理念甚至操作当中。而政策导向教育的下一步才是把环境理念融入职业。就美国历史来看，美国从1960年代就开始出现过媒体对技术危害性的论战，如对于《寂静的春天》的讨论，胜败各方都是对公众的导向性教育，并促使政府立法。“仅至1962年底，已有40多个提案在美国各州通过，禁止杀虫剂的使用” [7]。环境理念渗入到职业与生活是我们发展中国家努力的一个方向，因为环境问题的最终解决需要每一位公众的参与。就环境新闻来说，编辑思想还要渗入每一个人的生活，因为“环境新闻绝对不仅仅是一个职业，抑或报道与写作，而是一种生存方式” [8]。
2002年EJ冬季刊以电子垃圾为专题的封面
（作者单位：上海交通大学媒体与设计学院）
参考文献：
[1] 王积龙.环境新闻的西方研究模式及其研究方向[J].西南民族大学学报，2007(11):188－192
[2] Ann Filemyr, “Ethics and the Education of Environmental Journalists: An International Perspective” [J], SEJournal, Winter 1994, P.23.
[3] Rubin, D.M.,& Sachs, D.P., Mass Media and the Environment: Water Resources, Land Use, and Atomic Energy in California[M], New York:Praeger Publishers, P.252.
[4] Joshua Muldavin,”China’s Not Alone in Environmental Crisis” [M], Boston Globe, December 9, 2007.
[5] Jim Detjen, “Promoting a Worldwide Culture of Peace” [J], Environmental Journalism, 2002 Summer, P.6.
[6] Ulrich Beck.风险社会——通往另一个现代化的路上[M].汪浩 译，台北:巨流图书公司.2004.ⅲ-Ⅻ
[7] 卡逊.寂静的春天[M]. 长春：吉林人民出版社，1997.3
[8] Michael Frome，Green Ink：An Inroduction to environmental Journalism[M]，University of Utah Press，1998, P.21-23.
Environmental Journalism in China
Return to Event List
October 18 2002,
Event Summary
Featuring: San Yanjun, Tianjin Public Radio; James Detjen, Knight Center for Environmental Journalism, Michigan State University
By Timothy Hildebrandt and Jennifer L. Turner
The East Asian economic boom in the 1980s generated greater wealth and prosperity, but at a cost of creating serious environmental problems. Air, water, and land degradation were not only catalysts for government and citizen action, but also for news media activism in the region. In the 1980s and into the 1990s, environmental journalism began taking root across East Asia—a great number of weekly papers devoted solely to environmental issues sprang up in South Korea; “green” television programs made their way onto the Hong Kong airwaves; in Taiwan some journalists tried to help disseminate citizen and green group grievances against toxic industries. Today, journalists in Mainland China are beginning to journey down a similar path of using the news media to address environmental concerns. While news media organizations in China face limits on the breadth and depth of their reporting, environmental journalists have enjoyed considerable freedom.
Continuing the work begun in 2001 at the Green NGO and Environmental Journalist Forum held in Hong Kong, the Wilson Center’s China Environment Forum hosted an 18 October 2002 meeting that examined the state of environmental journalism in China today. Sun Yanjun offered a unique perspective on the topic as the creator of the first radio program devoted solely to environmental issues at Tianjin Public Radio. Jim Detjen, a prominent U.S. environmental journalist at the Knight Center for Environmental Journalism, shared insights from his experience lecturing to students of journalism and meeting with media outlets in China as a Fulbright scholar in 2002. Both speakers acknowledged the potential for environmental journalism to take an even more prominent role within the Chinese news media and the positive effect such journalists could have on furthering environmental protection. Nonetheless, inexperienced reporters, limited access to reliable scientific information, and a lack of advertising are some roadblocks to a more widespread environmental media revolution in China.
Land Ho! Discovering Possibilities and Uncovering Challenges
Sun Yanjun’s career as an environmental journalist is perhaps a result of Chinese government policy. While the economic reforms in China have increased independent journalism, the Chinese government prefers to use the news media to further policy directives. Since the Chinese leadership has placed environmental concerns high on the national policy agenda in recent years (as well as promising to put on “green Olympics” in 2008), the news media has been given more freedom than usual to report on environmental issues. Certainly, the government has taken steps of its own to promote environmental awareness; the State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) and the State Forestry Bureau have been publishing environmental newspapers for 17 and 15 years, respectively. These papers, however, are mainly circulated within government agencies and not to the general public. Journalists and reporters, such as Sun Yanjun, have begun using television, radio, popular newspapers, and the Internet to help promote a green ethic and raise green consciousness amidst a rapidly growing economy and an environment in crisis.
Despite the government’s enthusiasm for promoting a greener national agenda, environmental journalism in China is not without obstacles. Sun Yanjun outlined numerous impediments to strengthening environmental journalism in China: (1) uninformed and inexperienced reporters often provide audiences with inaccurate information; (2) press coverage of environmental issues is spotty, offering a great deal of attention to the environment during times of major crises (e.g., 1998 Yangtze River floods, spring dust storms) and events (e.g., National Party Congress, 2008 Olympic bid) but very little interest when such events have ended; (3) environmental-related publications are often either too technical, resulting in inaccessible information, or too broad, with little substantive information from which to learn; (4) top-down, concentrated efforts that mobilize many reporters to discuss one specific environmental issue results in redundant reporting; and perhaps most problematic, (5) editors and producers /consider environmental reporting as part of the “charity sector.” In other words, these green stories attract little adverting, so news media organizations view such reporting as money-losing endeavors.
These shortcomings offered a true challenge for Sun Yanjun as she began her unique brand of environmental education. Upon learning that not one of Tianjin’s radio stations covered environmental issues, Sun recalled feeling “like [she] was Columbus discovering America.” Although she acknowledged her lack of environmental background and she faced unenthusiastic producers, her intense belief in media’s power of influence drove her to begin Tianjin’s first environmental-themed radio program; Sun believed that “if mass media is the first to take action…the public will follow in its footsteps.” “Green Global Village” started with the ambitious charge of promoting public awareness and participation in environmental protection, as well as monitoring environmental problems and exposing illegal activities. While Sun has been plagued by worries of continued funding for her work, the public has indeed enthusiastically followed her programming.
As evidence of the power that environmental journalists can wield, Sun recalled an incident that was raised on her radio program’s “environmental monitoring hotline.” Residents in a Tianjin neighborhood, upset by noise pollution from a nearby boiler and the owner’s plans for expansion, contacted her Global Green Village radio program for assistance. For three months, Sun devoted time both on and off air to investigate the grievances and to help the disputants solve the conflict. Sun used her program to create a unique forum for discussion and she invited officials and experts from all relevant sectors: SEPA officials listened to the concerns of both parties, lawyers consulted on the possibility of civil litigation, and environmental scientists discussed the logistics of environmental impact assessments. The issue was opened to the audience as well, which led to lively debates on related topics, from individual environmental rights to corporate responsibility. As a result of Global Green Village’s “words combined with action,” the boiler company conducted an environmental assessment, abandoned its expansion plans, and paid damage compensation to the residents.
While Sun’s experience exemplifies a highly effective role the Chinese media can play in furthering environmental causes, Sun felt that educating the disputing parties and the larger listening community was a victory greater than the actual resolution of the conflict. In addition to promoting environmental dialogues on the radio, Sun has joined with some people in her listening community to form Tianjin’s first environmental nongovernmental organization (NGO)—Friends of Green. This environmental education NGO is perhaps the best sign, according to Sun, that environmental awareness has grown in Tianjin. It is increasingly common for environmental reporters in China to be involved in green NGO activity.
Although she has had success, Sun’s environmental reporting has been more or less self-taught and she is hungry to improve her reporting. Sun stated that she and other Chinese journalists need to be better informed and could benefit from help and guidance from international colleagues. Such assistance will be crucial for China to professionalize environmental journalism, which could then more effectively educate the public and monitor government policy implementation.
Quiet Revolution: Environmental Journalism’s Presence in Popular Media
Sun Yanjun’s vision for international exchange and cooperation with environmental journalists has, in part, already begun in China. During the 2001-2002 academic year, Jim Detjen brought his extensive journalism experience to Tianjin’s Nankai University as a Fulbright scholar. Among his activities, Detjen instructed a course on environmental journalism, one of the first in Mainland China. Drawing on his experience in lecturing on environmental journalism at universities and conducting workshops with news outlets across China, Detjen echoed the analysis of Sun: though still a small presence and facing many challenges, environmental journalism is growing rapidly throughout China. This growth in environmental journalism is tied in part to the increase in journalism programs within Chinese universities. Detjen remarked that within these newly created university programs the faculty and students have been enthusiastic about western styles of news reporting and specialties such as environmental journalism. For the past five years, Qinghua University’s Dupont Environment Awards has awarded $400 prizes for excellence in environmental journalism. These awards illustrate the academic community’s commitment to environmental journalism.
Detjen suggested that environmental journalism is part of a “quiet revolution” in the Chinese news media. China’s expanding economy has created an environment that is very hospitable to some nontraditional news reporting. China’s rising middle class has indeed begun to demand more variety in news—e.g., larger paychecks have made satellite dishes, though illegal, a common sight in urban and rural areas alike; widespread use of the Internet also suggests an increased thirst for information. While Detjen recognized the difficulty of attracting advertising dollars to environmental topics, he theorized that the increasingly market-driven media, having shifted from “the party line to bottom line,” will increasingly use “green news” to attract the young and female audiences.
During his fellowship in China, Detjen examined the state of environmental journalism at some of the country’s largest news media organizations. The government-published China Daily, China’s largest English language newspaper, boasts a staff that includes many U.S.-educated journalists. The newspaper reads much like a government press release, most often relying upon one source, the official Xinhua News Agency. Nonetheless, Detjen explained that the staff was eager to learn more about environmental reporting; China Daily already devotes significant space to issues like air pollution, water shortages, and desertification. To his surprise, the tabloid-style Shanghai Star has demonstrated a great interest in the sensitive topic of the Three Gorges Dam project on the Yangtze River—though predictably, the coverage has avoided the most controversial environmental debates surrounding the dam. In addition, the Guangzhou-based Southern Weekend, well known for its bold investigative reporting, is expanding its science and environment coverage.
Shackles and Anacondas: The Effect of Censorship on Environmental Reporting
China’s most influential news media force is, without question, China Central Television (CCTV). With an audience of almost 300 million within China, CCTV’s programming has a tremendous impact on the country. A number of environmental programs are regularly featured on the media empire’s various television stations, from relatively mundane reports on endangered species to more controversial profiles on the linkages between corruption and widespread water pollution. CCTV’s journalists are subject to serious scrutiny on the stories they produce. While investigative reports are broadcast, those deemed too critical or an embarrassment to individuals, corporations, or the government are usually scrapped. During his visit with CCTV officials, Detjen was informed that official censors had blocked two of four recent environmental-related investigative reports.
While censorship is a part of every Chinese journalist’s work, they actually are not regularly subject to the censor’s red pen. Instead, reporters exercise a tremendous amount of self-censorship; Sun Yanjun candidly remarked, “As long as we do not cross the boundaries and limits set by the government, we have freedom to report what we want.” Though these limits are not clearly defined, Jim Detjen explained that Chinese journalists, by and large, have a good feel for which topics are most sensitive and likely to be restricted. Princeton University professor Perry Link has likened China’s brand of media censorship to a “giant anaconda coiled in an overhead chandelier [that] normally does not move. It does not have to. It feels no need to be clear about its prohibitions. Its silent message is ‘you yourself decide,’ after which everyone below makes his or her large and small adjustments—all quite ‘naturally.’”
Indeed, self-censorship is an accepted way of life for environmental journalists. Detjen related a discussion with one of CCTV’s head environmental writers who takes a pragmatic view of censorship. The 英语翻译writer explained that while news media freedom is greater today than five years ago, being a journalist in China is like “dancing with shackles.” This is not to say that Chinese journalists do not test the official boundaries. News media markets far removed from Beijing have been more adventurous in pushing the boundaries in reporting—e.g., the Southern Weekly in Guangzhou often makes news itself /for publishing stories that cross the invisible line. Occasionally, individual journalists do step on the “wrong toes”—after her extensive reporting on the boiler plant dispute, Sun knew to tone down her reporting for while. Another Chinese journalist in the audience recalled her first published article in 1995; in which her report on the realities of prostitution in China resulted in a strong reprimand by her supervisor, though not a pink slip. The reporter recalled feeling a sense of empowerment, but also a stronger awareness of boundaries and how to push them a bit.
Much like its other Asian neighbors, news media in China has undergone gradual change in response to market forces. Chinese journalists are indeed hopeful that greater economic success will translate into greater press freedom. Jim Detjen quoted two journalists from Qinghua University who contend that “The marketization of news in China has turned the role of news reporting as a political propaganda tool to that of industrialization and popularization…. Economists and journalists are of one view that any news organization will be washed out if its news reporting does not meet the taste of the audience.” In other words, if journalists like Sun Yanjun can keep the Chinese public interested in environmental issues, green journalism in China is likely to grow.