国际关系作业范文-霸权稳定论对战争的影响。本文是一篇留学生国际关系作业，主要内容是讲述霸权指的是国际体系中无可争议的最强大的国家。霸权有五个主要方面，即经济、政治、军事、制度和意识形态。霸权稳定论主要从新现实主义或新自由主义两个方向来探讨。霸权稳定理论至关重要，因为它捕捉了世界主要大国使用武力维护其主导地位的趋势。类似地，世界超级大国也利用自己的地位创造思想、联盟和机构，允许其他国家在相对开放的自由参与中自由参与。以下是关于国际关系作业范文的全部内容，供参考。
A hegemon refers to the undisputedly strongest state in the international system. Hegemony has five main dimensions namely economic, political, military, institutional and ideological. The theory of hegemonic stability mostly approached from either neorealist or neoliberal direction. The theory of hegemonic stability is critical because it captures the tendency of the leading powers in the world using force to assert their dominance. Similarly, the world super powers also use their positions to create ideas, alliances, and institutions which allow for free participation of other states in a relatively open free participation.
In his study, Gilpin argues that the fundamental nature of international relations is yet to change over the millennia. His study is based on history, sociological and economic studies which indicate various forces which have influenced the world order. According to Gilpin, the current economic unevenness is as a result of the differential growth of power in the international system (Gilpin 186). Any shift in the balance of either economic or military power leads to a subsequent weakening of the foundations of the already existing systems. The waning of these systems is primarily caused by those gaining power because they value the increasing benefits and the decreasing costs of changing the system (Gilpin 188). Continued alteration of the system through political, territorial, technological and economic hegemony leads to increased marginal costs of continuing change beyond the marginal benefits. The cost of maintaining the international status quo among the dominant powers has increased resulting in major discrepancies between the power they possess and their commitment (Gilpin 187).
Gilpin在他的研究中认为，国际关系的基本性质在过去的几千年里尚未改变。他的研究基于历史、社会学和经济研究，这些研究表明了影响世界秩序的各种力量。根据Gilpin的说法，目前的经济不平衡是国际体系中权力差异增长的结果。经济或军事力量平衡的任何变化都会导致现有体系的基础随之削弱。这些系统的衰落主要是由那些获得权力的人造成的，因为他们重视改变系统所带来的不断增加的利益和不断降低的成本。通过政治、领土、技术和经济霸权持续改变体制，导致持续改变的边际成本超过边际收益。主要大国维持国际现状的成本增加，导致它们拥有的权力与其承诺之间存在重大差异。
According to Gilpin, the hegemonic stability between the dominant powers and the rising powers is attained through alteration of the existing laws in the international system (Gilpin 187). Rising powers will always attempt to change the rules governing the international system, the national distribution of territory and the division of the spheres of influence. On the other hand, the dominant powers usually counter the challenge from the rising powers by exercising their hegemonic powers such as proposing changes in their policies in an attempt to restore equilibrium in the systems (Gilpin 187). Gilpin’s argument suggests that in case the dominant power fails to restore the order through changes in the policies meant to restore the previously existing equilibrium, the disequilibrium is usually resolved by war.
根据Gilpin的说法，主导大国和崛起大国之间的霸权稳定是通过改变国际体系中的现有法律来实现的。新兴大国总是试图改变管理国际体系、国家领土分布和势力范围划分的规则。另一方面，占主导地位的大国通常通过行使其霸权权力来应对新兴大国的挑战，比如提出政策上的改变，以试图恢复体系中的平衡）。Gilpin的论点表明，如果主导力量无法通过改变旨在恢复先前存在的平衡的政策来恢复秩序，那么这种不平衡通常会通过战争来解决。
Before resulting to war as the final means of restoring the desired equilibrium, the challenged powers have two main alternatives in terms of the actions they can take. The most preferred solution to the disequilibrium created by the rising power is an increase in the resources that are meant in maintaining their positions and commitment in the international system (Gilpin 188). Secondly, the dominant or the aggrieved power can also attempt to reduce its existing commitments as well as the associated costs but ensure that the reduction dies not in any way jeopardize their positions in the international system. These are two policies that should be analyzed separately and be followed in exclusion of the other. In generating new resources meant to meet the cost of dominance and also forestall decline, various methods such as an increase in domestic taxation are used (Gilpin 188). Another tool which is commonly used is through an exacting tribute from other states. These two courses actions usually provoke resistance and rebellion because an increased taxes result in decreased productive investment as well as low living standards. The solution to this can be government employment of more indirect methods of resource generation in a bid to meet a fiscal crisis. Inflationary policies and the manipulation of terms of trade with other countries are common in such case.
在导致战争成为恢复理想平衡的最终手段之前，受到挑战的大国在采取行动方面有两个主要选择。对于崛起的大国所造成的不平衡，最可取的解决办法是增加用于维持其在国际体系中的地位和承诺的资源。第二，主导国或受害国也可以试图减少其现有承诺以及相关费用，但要确保这种减少不会以任何方式损害它们在国际体系中的地位。这两项政策应单独分析，并在排除其他政策的情况下予以遵守。为了产生新的资源，以满足主导地位的成本，同时防止衰退，人们采用了各种方法，比如增加国内税收。另一个常用的工具是通过其他国家的严格贡品。这两种做法通常会引发抵制和反抗，因为增税会导致生产性投资减少，生活水平低下。解决这一问题的办法可以是政府采用更间接的资源生成方法，以应对财政危机。在这种情况下，通货膨胀政策和操纵与其他国家的贸易条件很常见。
In hegemonic stability theory, it is important to consider the role played by the hegemon in generating order and cooperation. Neoliberal hegemon has a responsibility to rescue the financial system through opening global trade by sheer economic size as well as encouraging institutionalized cooperation in order to create a sustainable and open economy. According to Gilpin, the hegemons usually force the weaker states to join cooperative regimes in order to reduce uncertainty, decrease transaction costs and build consistency in terms of economic expectations. Cooperative hegemons usually try as much as possible to identify with the interests of its allies and adjust its bargaining position accordingly.
在霸权稳定理论中，重要的是考虑霸权在生成秩序和合作中所起的作用。新自由主义霸权有责任通过以纯粹的经济规模开放全球贸易以及鼓励制度化合作来拯救金融体系，以创造一个可持续和开放的经济。Gilpin认为，霸权主义通常会迫使弱国加入合作机制，以减少不确定性，降低交易成本，并在经济预期方面建立一致性。合作霸权通常尽可能地认同其盟友的利益，并相应地调整其谈判立场。
Basically, as per Gilpin’s argument, the cost or the benefit calculation in foreign policy determination is based on a state’s objective to change the international system using methods that will give them an edge over others by putting their interests first (Gilpin 50). However, as much as a state would like to boosts its national interests over others, a cost is involved. For instance, a state must have adequate resources to meet this cost and also be in a position to pay them. However, if a state does not have adequate resources to meet these costs, it attempts to change the system. The system remains relatively stable if it is unchanged and also if individual states are profiting from it regardless of the obvious inequalities (Gilpin 51). Based on this outcome, political realists fail to argue that the objective of every state is to maximize its power within the international system. However, an opportunity cost to a society is compulsory in the acquisition of power. Consequently, if a given state is in the quest to acquire power, other desired goods are lost in the process. This has been advantageous in improving stability in the international system because most states forgo apparent opportunities to increase their influence as the costs are too high.
基本上，根据Gilpin的观点，外交政策决定中的成本或收益计算是基于一个国家的目标，即改变国际体系，采用将自身利益放在首位的方法，使其在其他国家中占据优势。然而，尽管一个国家希望提升其国家利益，但也要付出代价。例如，一个国家必须有足够的资源来支付这一费用，而且也有能力支付这些费用。然而，如果一个国家没有足够的资源来支付这些费用，它就会试图改变这个制度。如果该体系保持不变，并且无论存在明显的不平等，各个州都从中获利，那么该体系将保持相对稳定。基于这一结果，政治现实主义者无法辩称，每个国家的目标都是在国际体系中最大限度地发挥自己的力量。然而，在获得权力的过程中，社会必须付出机会成本。因此，如果一个特定的国家正在寻求获得权力，那么在这个过程中，其他想要的东西就会丢失。这有利于改善国际体系的稳定，因为由于成本过高，大多数国家放弃了增加其影响力的明显机会。
Although change of the international system is mostly associated with the rising powers who feel disadvantaged by the hegemons, the net gains or the benefits the accrue from a change of system can determine whether the change comes from the rising power or the hegemon. The powerful countries can engage in a change of the international system in order to increase their future benefits. On the contrary, the rising powers can pursue a change of the system to decrease threatened losses. In addition, long-term benefits are an important consideration before making the changes because they are more beneficial compared to the short term gains. Also, the losers of the change also dread the fact that the long-term costs of the development will outweigh the short term benefits. Lastly, Gilpin asserts that once equilibrium has been reached between the costs and the benefits of change, the economic costs of maintaining the status quo tends to rise faster compared to the economic capacity needed to support the status quo (Gilpin 156).
虽然国际体系的变化主要与那些感到处于霸权不利地位的新兴大国有关，但体系变化带来的净收益或收益可以决定变化是来自崛起的大国还是霸权。强国可以参与国际体系的变革，以增加其未来的利益。相反，新兴大国可以寻求改变体制，以减少可能造成的损失。此外，在做出改变之前，长期利益是一个重要的考虑因素，因为与短期收益相比，长期利益更为有利。此外，变革的输家还担心，开发的长期成本将超过短期收益。最后，Gilpin断言，一旦在变革的成本和收益之间达到平衡，维持现状的经济成本往往比维持现状所需的经济能力上升得更快
Gilpin’s argument on the contribution of hegemony in war and order differs with that of Bull’s. According to Bull, the international system is only referred to as stable if the changes made are gradual and peaceful. In addition, if an order has to be achieved, states have to follow various well-laid patterns which consequently provide stability to the system and at the same time create goals that are common for all the involved actors and reduce uncertainty. Also, Gilpin’s argument focuses on the lack of attainment of an equilibrium between the hegemons and the rising powers as the major cause of war. On the other hand, Bull argues that the practice of the laid out patterns institutionalizes the international society. Also, according to Bull, there is a difference between anarchy and order. Anarchical situations in the international order is mainly as a result of lack of higher authority of law making (Bull 135). However, the existence of anarchy in the international system is not necessary an indicator of lack of order. On the other hand, the existence of order in the international system is not an indicator of the existence of hierarchy.
Gilpin关于霸权在战争和秩序中的贡献的观点与布尔的观点不同。Bull认为，只有当所做的改变是渐进的、和平的时，国际体系才被称为稳定的。此外，如果必须实现一项命令，各国必须遵循各种精心设计的模式，从而为系统提供稳定，同时创造所有相关行为者共同的目标，减少不确定性。此外，Gilpin的论点集中在霸权和崛起的大国之间缺乏平衡，这是战争的主要原因。另一方面，Bull认为，这种布局模式的实践使国际社会制度化。此外，根据Bull的说法，无政府状态和秩序是有区别的。国际秩序中的无政府状态主要是由于缺乏更高的立法权威。然而，国际体系中无政府状态的存在并不是缺乏秩序的必要指标。另一方面，国际体系中秩序的存在并不是等级制度存在的标志。
According to Bull, there are five main institutions in the international society which are key to facilitating order. They include diplomacy, international law, the balance of power, war and the Great power managerial system. According to this classification, the Great Powers play a managerial role in the international society. Also, since their interests are system-wide, any incident in the system affects their interests. Therefore, it is critical for the hegemons to establish the order by managing their relations with one another as well as managing the relations between the small states within their sphere of influence (Bull 213). Hegemons, therefore, maintain good relations with one another by ensuring that they recognize the spheres of influence of each other and desist from interfering.
据Bull说，国际社会中有五个主要机构是促进秩序的关键。它们包括外交、国际法、均势、战争和大国管理体制。按照这种分类，大国在国际社会中起着管理作用。此外，由于他们的利益是全系统的，系统中的任何事件都会影响他们的利益。因此，对于霸权来说，通过管理彼此之间的关系以及在其势力范围内管理小国之间的关系来建立秩序至关重要。因此，霸权主义通过确保它们承认彼此的势力范围并停止干涉来保持彼此之间的良好关系。
The conventional approach to hegemony shows that the concept has been used to an indicator of power disequilibrium in the international system. According to Morgenthau, the primary factors on which hegemon lies include natural resources, military capacity and the level of preparedness, the economic capacity, morale and unity, technological innovation, quality of diplomacy and government. Morgenthau’s argument allows the study of hegemony and how it contributes to war and order through a multidisciplinary approach. This implies that hegemony can either be viewed as an agential or as a structural phenomenon. Although the two scholars have a different approach on how hegemonic stability theory impact on war and order, Gilpin’s argument synthesizes various aspects of Bull’s and Morgenthau’s argument.
Work Cited 引用的作品
Bull, Hedley. The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
Gilpin, Robert. War and change in world politics. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1985.
Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics among nations; the struggle for power and peace. New York: Knopf, 1967. Print.
国际关系作业范文的作者对霸权的传统做法表明，这一概念已被用来衡量国际体系中的权力不平衡。Morgenthau认为，霸权所依赖的主要因素包括自然资源、军事能力和准备水平、经济能力、士气和团结、技术创新、外交质量和政府。Morgenthau的论点允许通过多学科的方法研究霸权及其对战争和秩序的贡献。这意味着霸权既可以被视为一种代理现象，也可以被视为一种结构性现象。尽管两位学者对霸权稳定理论如何影响战争和秩序有不同的看法，但Gilpin的论点综合了布尔和摩根索论点的各个方面。本站提供各国各专业留学生作业写作指导服务，如有需要可咨询本平台。