本文是历史专业的Essay范例，题目是“KoreanWarInfluencesInCanadianForeignPolicyHistoryEssay（朝鲜战争对加拿大外交政策历史的影响）”，加拿大外交官试图限制美国在加拿大政治中的影响力。从1945年到1957年，加拿大的外交政策开始出现，与美国的政策明显不同。因此，朝鲜战争已经成为一个更大的关于加拿大-美国关系性质的历史争议的一部分。这些因素经常受到历史学家和外交家的争议，因此应该进行更详细的讨论。朝鲜战争对加拿大外交政策的影响有多大?具体考察Lester B. Pearson的作用在朝鲜战争前几个月和战争期间对加拿大和联合国的影响程度。皮尔逊的方法分析，加拿大政策和美国政策之间的差异和加拿大参与战争将被用来探索朝鲜战争对加拿大外交政策的贡献的程度。将强调加拿大在战争期间外交的起源、实质和行为。通过分析加拿大参与朝鲜战争的程度，我们可以进一步了解加拿大外交政策的形成过程。本研究将分析主要来源,如小说写的皮尔森,自己,和文件引用委员会会议与联合国和公告,以及辅助源来自历史学家研究皮尔森的生活和加拿大国际外交,如W.E.C.哈里森和j·l . Granatstein。通过这一过程，我们发现加拿大外交政策的基础是由加拿大希望在美国和加拿大的国际政策之间建立一种分离的愿望所引发的。
Canadian diplomats have sought to constrain American influence in Canadian politics. From 1945 to 1957, Canadian foreign policy began to emerge and become noticeably separate from the United States’ policies. The Korean War has thus become part of a larger historical controversy concerning the nature of Canadian-American relations. These factors are often disputed by historians and diplomats, and thus should be discussed in greater detail. To what extent did the Korean War influence Canada’s foreign policies? Specifically examining the extent of which Lester B. Pearson’s role influenced Canada and the United Nations months prior to and during the Korean War. An analysis of Pearson’s methodology, the differences between Canadian policy and US policy and Canada’s involvement in the war will be used to explore the extent of the Korean War’s contributions to Canadian foreign policies. Attention to the origin, substance and conduct of Canadian diplomacy during the war will be emphasized. Through analyzing the extent of Canadian involvement in the Korean War, we are able to further understand how Canadian foreign policy began to take shape. This study will analyze primary sources, such as novels written by Pearson, himself, and documents quoted from council meetings with the United Nations and public announcements, as well as secondary sources from historians studying the life of Pearson and Canadian international diplomacy, such as W.E.C. Harrison and J. L. Granatstein. Through this process, we find that the basis of Canadian foreign policy sparked from Canadian desire to create a separation between American and Canadian international policies.
Canadian foreign policy began to emerge and become noticeably separate from American policies through their involvement in the Korean War. From 1945 to 1957, Canada became a truly sovereign, autonomous nation and began to receive recognition on the international stage. However, before this time period, Canada’s external relations were influenced by the Great Powers, such as Britain and more importantly the United States. Despite Canada’s participation in the Korean War, the political aspects are overlooked in Canadian history. Canada’s involvement in the Korean War is often overshadowed by the abundant amount of opinions solely referencing to the United States plate in Korea and Canadian military aspects of the hostilities have already been treated in the official histories published. The Korean War acted as a prologue to the main act in future Canadian foreign policy. An analysis of Pearson’s methodology, the differences between Canadian policy and US policy and Canada’s involvement in the war will be used to explore the extent of the Korean War’s contributions to Canadian foreign policies. Attention to the reactions and perspectives on Canadian diplomacy during the war will be discussed. Through analyzing the extent of Canadian involvement in the Korean War, we are able to further understand how Canadian foreign policy began to take shape. The Korean War acted as a prologue to the main act in future Canadian foreign policy.
Canada’s Involvement in the Korean War加拿大卷入朝鲜战争
Canada initially fought in the Korean War under the auspices of the United Nations, in support of the principle of collective security. Once it was announced that North Korea committed a breach of international peace and security and a violation of international law, the matter was brought accordingly before the United Nations’ Security Council, an institution established under international agreement for the explicit purpose of ensuring the maintenance of a peaceful world order. The council called upon the parties involved, North Korea and South Korea, to terminate their hostilities, and asked North Korea to return peacefully to their own territory. North Korea failed to comply and the council was forced to take extreme measures. Making full use of its constitutional authority, it asked all members of the United Nations to contribute to the defence of the invaded power and to the restoration of peace and security in the affected area. Ultimately, it assigned the United States responsibility for establishing a unified military command, to which the forces contributed by other powers, in fulfilment of their obligations under the United Nations Charter, were asked to report to.
加拿大最初在联合国主持下参加了朝鲜战争，以支持集体安全原则。一旦宣布朝鲜犯了违反国际和平与安全以及违反国际法,此事被相应地在联合国安全理事会,一个机构建立在国际协议的明确目的确保世界和平秩序的维护。安理会呼吁有关各方，朝鲜和韩国，停止敌对行动，并要求朝鲜和平返回自己的领土。朝鲜没有遵守，安理会被迫采取极端措施。它充分利用其宪法权力，请联合国所有成员为保卫被侵略的国家和恢复受影响地区的和平与安全作出贡献。最后，它指定美国负责建立一个统一的军事指挥机构，要求其他国家为履行《联合国宪章》规定的义务而派遣的部队向该机构报告。
What is Foreign Policy?
Foreign policy in Canada holds a very significant relationship with other governments and peoples. Foreign policy is the diplomatic policy of a nation in its interactions with other nations, designed to build effective political, economic and social progress in the developing world. Failure to achieve this will have an impact on the country in terms of both long-term security and prosperity. Canada’s most important relationship is with the United States, famously sharing the world’s longest undefended border. However, Canadian governments have traditionally maintained active relations with other nations, mostly through multilateral organizations, such as the United Nations (UN), Commonwealth of Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
Government View政府的观点
It is important to evaluate the implications of the Canadian government’s view and approach in the Korean War. Through the reactions of the parliament and how they employed their political strategies, Canada began to try to separate their foreign policies from the United States. There is an emphasis on how Canadian government officials, including Lester B. Pearson, wanted to distinguish a separation between Canadian and American policies. From evaluating the Canadian government’s perspectives and response, we begin to see where and how Canadian foreign policies begin to emerge.
重要的是要评估加拿大政府在朝鲜战争中的观点和方法的影响。通过议会的反应和他们如何运用他们的政治策略，加拿大开始试图将他们的外交政策与美国分开。其中强调了包括莱斯特·b·皮尔逊(Lester B. Pearson)在内的加拿大政府官员想要区分加拿大和美国的政策。通过评估加拿大政府的观点和回应，我们开始看到加拿大的外交政策是如何产生的。
Canada’s Response
Canada’s deliberate responses to the Korean War shows that the parliament, under King’s and St. Laurent’s leadership, wanted to steer away from American policies. Although there is a discrepancy between the prime minister’s opinions in the level of Canada’s participation, they share a common goal of wanting to expand Canada’s international role in the post World War II world. Thus, it is within their desires to become separate, that foreign policy began to emerge.
Although the United States’ response to the outbreak of hostilities in Korea was clear under the Security Council of the United Nations, the Canadian government temporized. Canada would send some aid, but no ground forces. King chastised his external affairs department for agreeing to the membership on the United Nations Temporary Commission in Korea. He did not want Canada as a participant. His government was reluctant to fight Asia. King was more worried about conscription and national unity. If King continued to be Prime Minister, Canadian participation would have been unlikely in Korea.
However, Canada’s involvement in the Korean War took a dramatic turn when St. Laurent took office. The principal deployment for Canadian troops was the state funeral of Mackenzie King in 1950. On the train back to Ottawa from King’s burial in Toronto, the cabinet discussed the Korean situation. Demands from newspaper that Canada contribute something more tangible than a few ships and transport planes placed pressure on King to be active in Korean War. Public opinion was not opposed to firmer action. On August 7, Prime Minister, St. Laurent, and Brooke Claxton, Minister of National Defence, went on radio to announce that Canada would raise a special army brigade to go Korean or anywhere else that necessity might dictate. In a public address, St. Laurent encourages volunteers to join Canada’s newly created Special Force, separate from Canada’s regular army, whose sole purpose turned to national defence. The Canadian Army Special Force (CASF) intended primarily for service abroad with the United Nations and NATO. (CBC Laurent’s speech) Canada had more confidence in the strength of Canada’s unity with Louis St. Laurent as Prime Minster, over Mackenzie King.
Through this, Canada succeeded in establishing a difference between American and Canadian involvement in the war. Their initial reluctance to not become thoroughly involved in the war showed their focus in Canada’s best interests, rather than basing their decision on what the United States decided to do. Under St. Laurent, Canada would not fight for Korea or the United States, but for the United Nations and the principle of collective security. Collective security is one type of coalition building strategy in which a group of nations agree to not attack each other and to defend each other against an attack from one of all others if such an attack is made. Canada argued that collective security encourages international cooperation, while balance of power deterrence leads to competition and conflict instead.
Government Opinion on the United States政府对美国的看法
American recourse to the United Nations Security Council had profound implications for Canada. Without this formal involvement of United Nations, the government in Ottawa would most likely not have involved itself in the Korean conflict. To this extent, American policy makers were successful in recruiting through the United Nations an active support of a foreign government. Canadian officials felt it was more essential to moderate and constrain the course of American decisions because American desire to maintain policy of containment in Asia was too strong. The government had reservations with American policies in Asia. Canada followed the United States in refusing the recognize Communist China, but continued to be deeply concerned about the possibility that the war in Korea would turn into a total war after the Chinese entered it. American General and commander of the UN forces in Korea, Douglas MacArthur, spoke openly about extending the war. In response, Canadian officials publically criticized American policy, stating that the United Nations must not be the “instrument of any one country”. (10 April 1951 Pearson in Toronto) He expressed his belief that the “days of relatively easy and automatic political relations with [United States] are, I think, over”. Pearson described MacArthur’s behaviour as a “threat to the free unity of the world” when MacArthur crossed the Yalu River and triggered a massive Chinese intervention (John Herd Thompson, 195).
美国求助于联合国安理会对加拿大产生了深远的影响。如果没有联合国的正式参与，渥太华的政府很可能不会卷入朝鲜战争。在这种程度上，美国的政策制定者通过联合国成功地获得了外国政府的积极支持。加拿大官员认为，更重要的是要缓和和限制美国的决策，因为美国想要维持对亚洲的遏制政策的愿望过于强烈。政府对美国在亚洲的政策持保留态度。加拿大继美国之后，拒绝承认共产主义中国，但仍对中国加入朝鲜战争后，朝鲜战争可能演变为全面战争的可能性深感担忧。美国将军、驻韩联合国部队司令道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟公开表示要延长战争。作为回应，加拿大官员公开批评美国的政策，称联合国不能成为“任何一个国家的工具”。(1951年4月10日，皮尔森多伦多)他表示，他相信，“我认为，与美国建立相对轻松和自动的政治关系的日子已经结束了”。皮尔森将麦克阿瑟的行为描述为“对世界自由团结的威胁”，当时麦克阿瑟越过鸭绿江，引发了中国的大规模干预(约翰·赫德·汤普森，195)。
Canada’s Involvement in the United Nations
Although, Canada continued to maintain commitment to multilateral organizations, Canadian involvement was under the impression of the United Nations, to appease the general public, but was in fact an American run operation. The United States, being the most directly involved, was in the forefront of the United Nation moves connected with the Korean conflict. It became apparent that Canada became involved in Korean-American foreign issues, not due to their interest in them, but because of their lack of interests. This was the basis of Canada’s reputation for objectivity and independence, if not neutrality, in foreign affairs. Canada accepted responsibility for shaping these affairs since they decided to maintain impartiality in global affairs. Now Canada was playing its part in the world, bargaining actively and with skill in negotiations with other countries. From 1947 onwards marked Canadian foreign policy golden years.
Public View公众的视野
Public consensus should not be overlooked, as a nation often has a lot of hold over their countries’ actions. Since Canada is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary democracy, the people of Canada are required to vote for their prime minister. It is important for the current preside ntial seating to appeal to the country’s wants, as to be re-elected again in the following election.
公众的共识不应被忽视，因为一个国家通常对自己国家的行动有很大的影响力。由于加拿大是君主立宪制国家，实行议会民主，加拿大人民必须投票选出他们的总理。重要的是，目前的总统席位要满足该国的需要，以便在下次选举中再次当选。
United States Policy and Threat of Communist Expansion
On 28 June 1950, Lester B. Pearson, Canada’s secretary of state for external affairs, believed that Canada had to respond to the North Korean invasion of South Korea through the United Nations and under US military leadership. Canadian public accepted and encouraged American leadership in resistance to the communist expansion. However, parts of the Canadian public feared that the United States were becoming driven solely based on their ideological differences, ignited from the Cold War. Canadians feared that Americans were too impetuous in defending the free world. Pearson therefore emphasized that Canada’s participation was part of the United Nations, and not under an American operation.
Here we begin to see how Canada’s performance in foreign policy tried to counter-balance public concern over the prospect of American domination over Canada’s decisions. Although cars and media may have been largely dominated by the American broadcasts, and industries were largely owned by American companies, Canada tried to steer a course that was firmly resistant to American pressures. This required the development of an entirely new diplomatic style, giving Canada a new important role in the politics of the world.
French Canadians法裔加拿大人
Initially Canada was unresponsive to United States participations in the Korean War. There was a consensus in Canadian society that the Korean War was worth fighting. Consensus was broader during the Korean War because French Canadians gave this war a more enthusiastic support. Pierre Trudeau, federal public servant in the Privy Council of Ottawa, and polls revealed that many French Canadians in Ottawa would have welcomed any expansion of the Canadian effort in Cold War alliances. Fighting communism was an issue which cut across traditional differences in Canadian attitudes towards foreign policy.
起初，加拿大对美国参与朝鲜战争反应冷淡。加拿大社会一致认为，6•25战争是值得打的。在朝鲜战争期间，共识更为广泛，因为法裔加拿大人对这场战争给予了更热烈的支持。皮埃尔·特鲁多(Pierre Trudeau)，渥太华枢密院(Privy Council of Ottawa)的联邦公务员，以及民调显示，渥太华的许多法裔加拿大人会欢迎加拿大在冷战联盟中的任何努力。反对共产主义是一个跨越加拿大对外交政策态度传统差异的问题。
St. Laurent’s government was among the most nationally minded that Canada has ever seen. Its national direction reflected Ottawa’s strong position versus the remaining provinces. In 1948, Ottawa spent $1.7 billion, compared with the $810 million total spent by the other provinces combined and the $715 million spent by Canada’s municipalities. This was 50% of all government expenditures in Canada. In 1952, Ottawa spent $4 billion dollars against a combined provincial and municipal total of $2.3 billion. From these statistics, it becomes clear that the French Canadians in Ontario were more enthusiastic in their support in the Korean War versus the remaining provinces in Canada.
Lester B. Pearson’s Role莱斯特·b·皮尔森的角色
Lester B. Pearson, Canada’s Ambassador to the United States under Mackenzie King’s office, was Canada’s foremost diplomat and formulated Canada’s basic post World War II foreign policy. His strong interest in the United Nations promoted a closer political and economic relationship between Canada and its principal allies, the United States and the United Nations. It is important to discuss Pearson’s role, as this is where we begin to see his ascension in Canadian politics.
莱斯特·b·皮尔森(Lester B. Pearson)是麦肯齐·金(Mackenzie King)任内的加拿大驻美国大使，他是加拿大最重要的外交官，制定了加拿大二战后的基本外交政策。他对联合国的强烈兴趣促进了加拿大与其主要盟国美国和联合国之间更密切的政治和经济关系。讨论皮尔逊的角色是很重要的，因为这是我们开始看到他在加拿大政治地位上升的地方。
Pearson’s Methodology
Pearson’s methodology played a significant role in United Nations decision to involve them in Korea. Pearson redirects Canadian role in Korea by stating that Canada will fight for the principle of collective security through the United Nations. Pearson showed discernment in promoting Canadian policy. He believed in strategy priority to collective defence through NATO and refused to abandon collective security ideals of the UN Charter. Pearson confirmed the absolute necessity of renewed multilateral approaches to peace maintenance through the United Nations.
“There is no effective alternative to the United Nations for [international political] arrangements […] They involve changes in attitudes and in relationships, a total enlargement in the horizons of our concerns and sympathies, and an understanding of the techniques necessary to affect political, social and economic and cultural change without recourse to force. It is within the United Nations that we must demonstrate our patience, skill and understanding of the problems of the present and our hope and faith for the future.” Pearson, Gross & Dean. “A Critical Evaluation of the United Nations,” pg 23-24.
Pearson’s Doubts in American Actions
Pearson was a product and creator of Canada’s distinct diplomatic style, civilized, moderate, scholarly and sophisticated. He attempted to steer an independent course between Canadian and American policies. Pearson told Toronto audience:
“The days of relatively easy and automatic political relations with our neighbour are, I think, over. While we are most anxious to work with the US and support her in the leadership she is giving to the free world, we are not willing to be merely an echo. Americans should not attempt to tell us that until we do one-twelfth or one-sixteenth or some other fraction as much as they are doing in some particular enterprise, we are defaulting. It would also help if the US took more notice of what we do, and indeed occasionally of what we say. The only time the American people seem to be aware of our existence is when we do something they don’t like.”
Pearson is referencing to American pressure for major Canadian contribution to the Korean War effort. Most Canadians applauded Pearson’s approach towards the Korean War. Pearson became sufficiently popular because of his work as a civil servant, and was asked by Mackenzie King to enter politics. He served St. Laurent most impressively as the Secretary of State for External affairs.
Pearson played a key role in discussions of how to make peace between Western allies and Korea. His object was to bring a quick end to the conflict, which he saw as an increasingly unnecessary diversion of attention and resources from the central European front. He had doubts on the wisdom behind American policy, as he felt it was too belligerent and unyielding. Americans, in turn, were furious at the “ingratitude and obstruction” of an ally whose contribution to the Korean War was already minuscule. Pearson’s relation with some American diplomatic counter parts would never be the same again.
Pearson showed in skills at the UN in negotiations that had led to cease-fire in Korea, an action that angered some in the United States. Pearson was the considered to be the master of the compromise phrase; aligned to reach two sides into a multi accommodation that would leave no one happy but all or more less satisfied. During this time, it seemed as to demand new virtues and a want to respect others than to dominate them. To work with others, not to direct and lead from above. Mutual trust. This idea is where Canadian policy of neutrality comes from.
Prevented spread of war into China, by exerting his influence in the MacArthur policy of carrying the war into China. Pearson agreed that UN had to recognize unprovoked aggression and condemn it, but not all cases should follow with economic/military sanctions of support. Limitations in enforcement action has to be recognized in general strategic/political situations. Fearful that the imposition of sanctions would only spread war to China, instead of keeping it localized in Korea. MacArthur’s policy is not needed.
Criticisms of Canada’s Foreign Policy对加拿大外交政策的批评
The strong goal of Canadian government trying to separate their policies from the United States is often criticized by politicians. People have found that anti-Americanism or anti-American sentiment, the actions and opinions critical of or opposed to the United States government, policies or people, found in Canada has unique qualities. Canadian historian, Kim Richard Nossal, believes that a low level of attenuated form of anti-Americanism permeates Canadian political culture, “designed primarily as a means to differentiate Canadians from Americans”. (Brendon O’connor) Although J. L. Granatstein, in his history of anti-Americanism in Canada, concluded that anti-Americanism was dead in Canada, there is anecdotal evidence that it still flourishes and that it continues to nourish the Canadian sense of identity. William Mackenzie King and Louis St. Laurent were both Liberal governments, which tended to encourage anti-American sentiments (O’Connor 71).
加拿大政府试图将其政策与美国分离的强烈目标经常受到政界人士的批评。人们发现，在加拿大发现的反美主义或反美情绪，批评或反对美国政府、政策或人民的行动和意见具有独特的品质。加拿大历史学家金•理查德•诺萨尔(Kim Richard Nossal)认为，加拿大的政治文化中渗透着一种低水平的、弱化了的反美主义，“主要是为了将加拿大人和美国人区分开来”。尽管j·l·格兰纳斯坦在其加拿大反美主义史中得出结论称，反美主义在加拿大已经消亡，但有轶事证据表明，反美主义仍在蓬勃发展，并继续滋养着加拿大人的身份认同感。威廉·麦肯齐·金(William Mackenzie King)和路易·圣罗兰(Louis St. Laurent)都是自由党政府，倾向于鼓励反美情绪(O’connor 71)。
Liberal leader, Michael Ignatieff, published in his book True Patriot Love, that Canada is a “somewhat frustrated, reflexively anti-American, middling power that has becoming something of a pretender on the world stage.” (Macleans) American leadership appeared in Canada to be over-sensitive and often misconceived, as it was not always greatly respected nor greatly loved. This demonstrated how freely it was possible to work with the United States in a proximity and relationship so close to ours. “It was no less a Canadian requirement that we continue to explain our situation to an American public still incredibly ignorant [Canada], and to put the liberal professions of American foreign policy to the test by our fearlessness in being critical whenever necessary”. (Harrison, 181)
Conclusion结论
The Korean War is one of the most robust of expressions of Canadian foreign policy. Focus, vigilance and relevance should be the watchwords guiding future foreign and economic policy decisions. Human rights, democratic principles and tolerance are the hallmarks of Canada’s evolution. Canada’s advantage is in their prosperity, as they will prevail if they continue to be pro-active in global affairs, harness the benefits of proximity to the United States and selectively nurture other global prospects most amendable to our interest and our assets. Through Canada’s persistent participation in the United Nations, they were able to successfully achieve the basis and beginning in future foreign policy, which plays largely into the Arab-Israel conflicts of 1956.
朝鲜战争是加拿大外交政策最有力的表达之一。重点、警惕和相关性应该是指导未来外交和经济政策决策的口号。人权、民主原则和容忍是加拿大发展的标志。加拿大的优势在于其繁荣，如果他们继续在全球事务中积极主动，利用与美国接近的好处，并有选择地培育最有利于我们的利益和资产的其他全球前景，他们将占上风。通过加拿大坚持不懈地参加联合国，他们能够成功地在今后的外交政策中奠定基础并开始，这在很大程度上影响了1956年的阿拉伯-以色列冲突。
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